We condemn the 12 September Military Fascist Junta in Turkey on the 30^th anniversary of the coup!

We commemorate YILMAZ GÜNEY on the 26^th anniversary of his death!

The background and Consequences of the September 12th Military Fascist Junta on the 30^th Anniversary .

Generals of the Coup:

Kenan Evren, Nurettin Ersin, Tahsin, Sakaya, Sedat Celasun, Nejat Tümer

30 years ago the Military Fascist Junta (MFJ) took power in Turkey on 12 September, 1980. The coup took its place in the history as the bloodiest, surpassing former coups of 27 May 1960 and of 12 March 1971 in brutality. The 12 September MFJ terrorized people of Turkey for years. Its widespread and systematic torture policy, oppression, and consecutively executed death penalties are still topics of heated discussions. As soon as the MFJ installed itself in the power, it dissolved the Demirel cabinet, abolished the parliament, shut down all political parties and arrested all their executive members, revoked all laws that were in force at the time, and put a stop to all on-going strikes. The Confederation of Revolutionary Worker’s Union (DISK) was shut down and its entire assets were seized by the Junta. Leaders of DISK were arrested and brought 54 trade unionist to the court, demanding death penalty. All democratic mass organizations were shut down. Executive committee members of TÖBDER and Union of Writer, among others, were arrested and brought before the court. Press and broadcasting were put under the direct control of Junta. All writers, scientists, and education personnel that were deemed as progressive were subjected to prosecution as well as persecution. Thousands of workers were laid off. An unprecedented terror campaign was launched against the Kurdish nation. Kurdish villages were burnt. Villagers were exiled and tortured.

Using extreme violence, the Junta also crushed the revolutionary movement. Although the revolutionary movement had forecast the coming of MFJ beforehand, they could not make a successful plan to fight back against the Junta.

Leaders, cadres, members and supporters of revolutionary movement were arrested. 17 revolutionaries were hanged by the Junta between 1980 and 1984. Dozens of them were murdered under torture. Every single prison turned into a torture chamber. Many revolutionary organizations abolished themselves and a significant number of them softened their lines to find ways to survive within the system. Some of them became Kemalist and got influenced by Turkish Nationalism. Revolutionary organizations with firmer stance on their lines could come to themselves only by the 1990s.

Below is a rough list of outcomes of the MFJ, stayed in power for 9 consecutive years:

• 650.000 people were arrested.

• 1.683.000 people were registered to police files.

• 210.000 court cases were filed, where 230.000 people were prosecuted.

• 7000 people were brought to court with capital punishment requests.

• 517 people were given death penalty.

• 50 of them were hanged.

• Files of 259 people who received death sentences sent to the parliament.

• 71.000 people were brought before the court under the articles 141, 142 and 163 of the penal code of the Republic of Turkey.

• 98.404 people, accused of being members of illegal organization members, were put into trial.

• 388.000 people were denied a passport.

• 30.000 people were fired because of being a threat to national security.

• 14.000 people lost their citizenship.

• 30.000 people fled Turkey and sought asylum as a political refugee.

• 300 people died suspiciously.

• 171 people died under torture (only the official documented cases).

• 937 movies were banned as a threat to national security.

• Activities of 23.677 associations were stopped.

• 3.854 teachers, 120 university lecturers and 47 judges were laid off.

• 4000 years of prison sentences were asked for 400 journalists.

• Journalists received 3.315 years and 6 months of prison sentences.

• 31 journalists were put in jail.

• 300 journalists were assaulted.

• 3 journalist were murdered by gun.

• Newspapers could not get published for 300 days.

• 303 court cases opened against 13 mainstream newspapers.

• 39 ton newspaper and journal were destroyed.

• 299 people lost their lives in prison.

• 144 of them died suspiciously.

• 14 people died in Hunger Strike.

• 16 people were shot down while “running away.”

• 95 people died during “encounter.”

• 73 people died “a normal death” according to official reports.

• Death of 43 people were reported as a suicide.

Grounds for the 12 September Military Fascist Junta

The Military Fascist Junta of 12 September came to power to crush the revolutionary opposition. By 1980, revolutionary movement had become quite powerful. It was putting a lot pressure on the government. It was putting up a considerable resistance against civil fascists. Even the ever expanding Martial Law, which was ever expanded after the Marash massacre, did not offer a steady solution for the ruling classes. Worker strikes were increasingly more frequent and bigger. Government had to take a step back after workers started armed resistance due to employment of civil fascists at TARİŞ. Following the January 24 Decisions, government encountered even further testing days as strikes spread out in many cities across the country and shopkeepers refused to open their stores in reaction to the Decisions.

The ruling classes were going through a crisis of inability to govern. Parliament was no-longer functional. Despite the 100^th round of election, a president of republic could not be elected. The Justice Party, Republican People’s Party, National Salvation Party, and Nationalist Movement Party were insisting to get their nomination to be elected and could not agree on one nominated person. Each political party was maintaining a number of high ranking bureaucratic positions, which were then utilized to gain an upper hand in the skirmish. The situation was becoming intolerable for the comprador bosses. Under instruction and order of his bosses, IMF and imperialist Monopolies, Demirel’s cabinet came up with new economic decisions as known the January 24 Decisions, which covered extensive economic measures. Besides focusing on foreign trade relations, the economic packet included restrictions on rights of workers, civil servants, and toiling masses, such as ending strikes, disabling workers union, and rearrangement of labour agreements and holidays.

The implementation of Decisions, however, was far from smooth and fast. Economy was clogged. People were queuing for everything. Inflation was still very high. The situation was causing serious instability in Turkey, a crucial member of NATO’s southern wing. Turkey’s political and economic crisis was considered instability for the USA’s plans in the Middle East plans. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran and the occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet social imperialists within the same year, stabilization of Turkey gained further importance for the US politics in the region. The US knew well that conditions were suitable for a military coup in Turkey. Thus on December 27, 1979, a warning letter was sent to President Fahri Koruturk by Chief of Army General Kenan Evren, Commender of Land Forces General Nurettin Ersin, Commender of Marine Forces vice Admiral Bülent Ulusu, Commender of Air Forces General Tahsin Şahinkaya and Commender of Gendarme General Sedat Celasun. Laying ground for a military coup, the letter stated: “Turkish army forces insistently require that in the face of today’s crucial issues of our country, by prioritizing our national interests, political parties at once take collaborative measures, in accordance with the principals of our Constitution and with assistance of other Constitutional institutions, against terror movements which intend to bring down the state”. On January 01, 1980, Kenan Evren had a meeting with Commander of Forces at Cankaya Palace, where the plans for the 12 September 1980 Military Coup were drawn. The first statement of coup was announced to country on TV and radio by the leader of coup, Kenan Evren. On the same day, one officer informed then US President, Jimmy Carter stating that ‘our kids took care of the job.’

12 September Military Fascist Coup’s Policy to Achieve Complete Surrender in Prisons and the Resistance of Prisoners

The 12 September Military Fascist Coup (MFC) spared a considerable amount of attention to prisons. They thought that they could rehabilitate revolutionary and patriotic prisoners in prisons. Specific implementations were developed to this end. CIA’s experiments were one by one put into practice in Turkey’s prisons. Against those who dared to resist, all forms of violent methods were used to the full extend. The MFJ was estimating that they can easily intimidate revolutionaries in jail. However, they faced rather unexpected reaction to this policy, revolutionary and patriotic political prisoners resisted heroically against all practices of MFC. In the face of this resistance, MFC increased violence and took over all management of jails in Turkey and Turkey’s Kurdistan. Thus the military forces become the only responsible institution for management of prisons. The following are the main enforcements practiced in prisons during MFC’s period:

• Force all prisoners to address all soldiers and military officers as ‘Sir’

• Force to sing Turkish National Anthem

• Force all prisoners to attend Kemalist education classes

• Force all prisoners to pray before eating

• Force to take religious education

• Force to go to bed at certain times that are determined by the management of prison and force to do exercise

• Force to walk in a single line

• Force to have a hair cut like soldiers

• Forbid to speak any other language than Turkish during family visits

Under the junta regime Kurdish prisoners were subjected to a strict policy of Turkification. Diyarbakir prison was selected especially for the implementation of this policy and jailed Kurdish patriots were concentrated here. Speaking in Kurdish was banned not only for Kurdish prisoners but also for their visitors, regardless of whether prisoners and visiting family members knew any Turkish or not – forced default language was Turkish. Prisoners who were accused of speaking Kurdish with their visitors were tortured afterward and thrown into isolation cells as a penalty. No publication was allowed enter prison facilities. Indictments were handed months later. At court hearings, prisoners were prohibited to present their political defences. Prisoners were humiliated by many demeaning practices such as putting them into septic tanks. Many prisoners died due to illnesses. There was a special kind of humiliation put in practice for Armenian prisoners, where they were checked to see whether they were circumcised or not. All Armenians were labelled and registered in a different file and were punished with penalties specific to them.

Facing all savagery and cruelties of Diyarbakir Prison, there was also resistance. Despite all these brutalities, resistance of revolutionaries and Kurdish patriotic prisoners and their political defences presented at courts were a perplexing phenomenon for the Junta. The turning point came when Mazlum Dogan, a Kurdish patriot and four of his comrades set fire on their own bodies as a self-sacrificing action against the brutalities of the coup. Subsequently, the junta was brought to his knees with death fast action at Diyarbakir prison.

A former prisoner who spent long years in Diyarbakir Prison recounts the following: “When they could not crush the resistance, Captain Esat Oktay Yildiran was assigned on temporary basis. Some years later we found out that he was educated in the US especially for such assignments. There was also Kemal Yamak. Prior to the Coup, he was assigned as the commander of 7th Corps. In short, a special team was formed with the specific duty to deal with prisoners. They all were dressed like commandos. They were marching at 4^th floor as if they had just occupied an enemy territory in an effort to create a certain atmosphere, giving off signals that torture is to reach new dimensions. Esat Oktay used to shout: “Don’t confuse me with anyone else. Even flies cannot fly around here without my permission. You’ll either have to do exactly as I say or die.” Death fast and other forms of resistance were still going on. 15-20 people were living together in wards. We used call them “King’s Palace”. We all got infested with lice. One night they poured water with detergent on us. We were physically getting weaker but our determination was still high. We were resisting torture. The resistance was high in spirit. We were like religious disciples, fixed on our faith. We received our accusations but we did not get chance to work on them. We were not in a situation to defend ourselves before court. We were all focused on developing resistance against torture. We were not thinking about our representation at the court. We were taken to court during Death fast, toward the end of April. One early morning we were woken up with a terrifying scene at the corridor. It’s hard to describe with words. For 4 hours constantly we were beaten by the police while handcuffed. We could not look around. They were trying to put us all in a one small van but it was impossible. They put a chain between our arms and shoved us into vans while tied to each other. The scene brought Armenians before my eyes, when they were taken away for massacre. When we sat at the court our hands were on our knees and our eyes were fixed on the writing on the wall that says: “Justice is the foundation of the property.” It was a court case with 2000 people. We did not let them to check our identification. We talked about Death fast and torture. Court said that these were not their concern, military was responsible with this area. We were taken back from court to prison and again we were tortured until locked into cell. When they saw that nothing makes us stop our resistance they decided to negotiate. Hayri and Kemal represented prisoners in negotiations. On the 45^th day of the death fast they reached a deal that included an end to torture and better conditions in terms being brought to the court hearings. The death fast was terminated. Afterward, besides allowing us to appear before the court once more, they practically violated all other terms of the agreement.

By late 1981, they begin to focus on turning prisoners into confessors. Mazlum Dogan carried out his action with three matchsticks in March 1982. We heard about his action two days later. We brought it up at the court but the court council did not even present an answer. They only let confessors speak at the court. We were getting tortured even in front of the court council. There were three lawyers to defend us but they got arrested too. They were waging an intimidation war so that no one would dare to defend us at the courd. In 1982 action of “Dortler” was carried out but torture was continuing. Kemal, Hayri and Karasu decided to take action on 14^th of July. They started to force prisoners to have sexual intercourse with each other in the cells. Prisoners were raped by police baton and forced to eat shit. Focus on turn-coats intensified. We reached 14^th of July in these conditions. We were in Urfa team; they took us to the court very early morning. Hayri Durmus was next to me. He asked to get a permission to speak. He said that he will make important announcements. He talked about death fast and prison conditions. Then he said that he was responsible from those people but he failed to fulfil his responsibilities and for this reasons he requested to get “indebted” written on his tombstone. The court committee was panicked. They finally realize what he was trying to say. After that, resistance got bigger and bigger day by day. Revolutionary and Kurdish Patriotic prisoners became more organized and they also organized and mobilized all other prisoners. This initiative made them more confident and they overcame their shortcomings and won a victory.

Listed below are the prisoners who lost their lives in Diyarbakir Prison due to Hunger strike, death fast and illness:

İbiş Ural 27 December 1981

Ali Erek 10 April 1981

Mazlum Doğan 21 March 1982

Önder Demirok killed under torture on 22 February 1982

Abdurrahman Çeçen 16 May 1981

Cemal Kılıç 1982

Seyfettin Sak November 1982

Ali Sarıbal 13 November 1981

Mehmet Emin Akpınar 1982

Aziz Özbey killed under torture in 1982

Kenan Çiftçi killed under torture in 1982

Bedii Tan killed under torture in May 1982

Ferhat Kurtay 18 May 1982

Necmi Öner 18 May 1982

Mahmut Zengin 18 May 1982

Eşref Anyık 18 May 1982

Kemal Pir 7 September 1982

M.Hayri Durmuş 12 September 1982

Akif Yılmaz 15 September 1982

Ali Çiçek 17 September 1982

Necmettin Büyükkaya 24 January 1984

Cemal Arat 2 March 1984

Orhan Keskin 5 March 1984

Remzi Aytürk February 1984

Yılmaz Demir January 1984

M.Ali Eraslan

İsmet Karak

Ramazan Yaya 13 January 1983

Medet Özbadem 7 May 1983

Yılmaz Demir January 1984

Halil İbrahim Baturalp 27 April 1983

Hüseyin Yüce 18 January 1984

Suphi Çevirici May 1986

Aziz Büyükertaş May 1986

Mehmet Emin Yavuz February 1988

Mamak was another prison where torture took place intensively during the September 12 MFC. At Mamak, Junta policies were already being implemented by August 1980. Under the pretext of prison security, assaults on revolutionary prisoners began when they raided wards and plundered all possessions of prisoners. In a sense this was a rehearsal of what was to come with the Junta.

As soon as the Junta took the power on September 12, they launched an intensive attack on political prisoners. Welcoming in-coming prisoners with a beating became a customary practice. During one of these routine beating sessions that Ilhan Erdost was murdered on November 07, 1980.

One of Mamak’s peculiarities was that it was a prison where Islamists and fascists were kept with revolutionary prisoners. This was deliberate implementation of MFC at Mamak, “Mix and reconcile them.” Revolutionary prisoners forced to stay with fascists in same wards. Revolutionary prisoners who objected to this practiced were tortured. Colonel Raci Tetik , the director of Mamak, terrorized the prison with the approval of the Junta. He forced revolutionary prisoners to give up their ideology and adopt “Kemalist nationalism.” Another inhumane policy of MFC at Mamak was that 100 prisoners were locked down to space for 20 people.

Cahit Akcam, who was kept at Mamak at the period, recalls the following: “Torture at prison has different dimensions. At the police station torture methods such as reverse hanging (Palestinian hanging), electric shocks, beating, foot whipping and let detainees go without food and water for days were used. The main aim was to force you to accept crimes which you did not commit, and fabricate a story about illegal organization. All these tortures and interrogation was ending with someone accepting the accusation or not. However there is no ending for bad treatment and torture in Mamak. It continued for days, weeks, and months and on, alienating prisoners from their own identities and turning them into mere objects. Once you enter into Mamak, all your sense of orientation disappears. You are put into place called cage, and then you try to understand where all these abnormal noises come from. I felt that I was in mental hospital in Bakirkoy. I had visited this hospital in 1975, at one its worse periods. It was a place where you could hear screams of patients, upon whom raw sewage was being poured. So at first I thought that I was in such a place. Later on we learned that these strange sounds came from soldiers who where doing prisoner attendance check. When they cut your connection with outside world, you lose your sense of time. All these treatments aim to turn you into creature who is incapable of thinking and doing something out of the ordinary. Colonel Raci Tetik was monitoring everything 24 hours to make sure everything was done accordingly. As a member of the contra-guerrilla team, he had participated in an operation in 1960s where journalist Ilhami Sosyal was kidnapped and beaten to death and left somewhere outside Ankara. Neither for this operation nor for any of his crimes at Mamak, he has never yet been required to give an account. And Mamak went down in history with all these torture and execution of death sentences as one of the bloodiest Prisons.

The September 12 MFC put its experiences gained from Mamak and Diyarbakir into practice in Istanbul prisons, which were prior to the MFC under the control of revolutionary prisoners. In order to break revolutionary prisoners’ domination and achieve full surrender, Junta launched assaults from the onset. The foremost prison in Istanbul was Sagmacilar. Majority of revolutionary prisoners was held in Sagmacilar. There was also a number of military prisons in Istanbul that were temporarily used, such as Davutpaşa, Selimiye, Hastal, Kabakoz and Alemdağ prisons. When Junta took power, Sagmacilar was evacuated and all revolutionary prisoners were distributed to the military prisons. When the coming of MFC was definite, torture and oppression increased in these military prisons. In August 1980, revolutionary prisoners repelled a major assault operation at Davutpasa, setting the mood in terms of determination and resistance.

Another major prison in Istanbul was Metris. It opened in April 1981, 7 months ahead of its scheduled date, in order to hold political prisoners that were temporarily being held at military prisons across Istanbul. All the expenses of Metris prison was funded by comprador Vehbi Koc who supported the MFC. Starting with Sultanahmet, political prisoners from other prisons were being transferred to Metris. Knowing well that nothing good is waiting for them at Metris, revolutionary prisoners staged resistance against transfers. Despite heroic resistance, however, the Junta succeeded in transferring political prisoners and detainees with military background who were accused of supporting revolutionary movements within the military. Metris was an important prison for the Junta because many of the leading cadres, members, and militants of revolutionary movements of Turkey were held there. The Junta’s plan was to turn this situation for its own advantage. Revolutionary prisoners were aware of the Junta’s agenda, as well as what were being done in Mamak and Diyarbakir. With this knowledge and their revolutionary spirit, they were able to put up unbreakable resistances.

From the outset, the Metris prison became a place of arbitrary practices and prohibitions. The Junta announced that every prisoner, just as a soldier, must be according to military discipline and regulations. Accordingly, they began to forcefully give a military hair-cut to political prisoners. As revolutionary prisoners resisted this practice, each hair-cutting session turned into a full-blown beating operation. As the revolutionary resistance intensified at Metris, arbitrary practices and tortures increased as well. Right to communication was revoked. For a long period no newspaper, magazine, or book was allowed to enter the prison. Following arduous struggles and hunger strikes, these rights were regained. However, the administration violated these rights at every chance it got. Numerous arbitrary and otherwise obstacles were put before the legal defence of political prisoners. Necessary documents were withheld. Prisoners who were preparing political defences were deprived of all supporting documents, books, etc. Prisoners who resisted to wearing prison uniforms were brought to hearings in their underwear. If hearings coincided winter months, they were punished by being forced stand outside in the freezing cold for hours. Letters to and from prisoners were withheld. Family visits of resisting prisoners were arbitrarily cancelled. If there was no family visit ban, then food and other goods that families brought to prisoners were confiscated. Food at prison cantina was sold at outrageously expensive prices.

By 1983, isolation treatment began, beginning with political prisoners who were assumed to be representatives and leaders. Contrary to breaking the organization and morale of political prisoners, this treatment fuelled new and more determined resistance actions. Agents were imbedded among revolutionary prisoners, hoping to learn their action plans beforehand and undercutting them. Despite all its methods and attacks, the prison administration did not achieve any satisfactory outcome.

In new attempts to bring Metris to a fall, they transferred some of high ranking prisoners to new cells that were built in renovated Sagmalcilar. The resistance at Metris, however, did not lose any of its determination and strength. 2 years later, prisoners who were held in single cells and wards of 6 persons were transferred back to Metris.

Despite all efforts of the Junta, revolutionary prisoners at Metris and Sagmalcilar could not be brought to their knees. One of the determining factor was that prisoners were unified in their actions. In countless hunger strikes, active resistance cases, and 1984 death fast, they struggled as one body, along with the support of families from outside.

Below are the names of prisoners who lost their lives in prisons in Istanbul and nearby cities:

İrfan Çelik 14 September 1980 at Davutpaşa Prison

İsmail Esen 15 November1981 at Bursa Prison

İsmet Taş 5 December 1981 at Metris Askeri Prison

Şerif Yazar 24 December 1981 at Alemdağ Prison

Hakan Mermeroluk 24 December 1981 at Alemdağ

Bahadır Dumanlı 3 January 1982 at Alemdağ

Talip Yılmaz 20 December 1982 at İstanbul Hasdal

Hamdi Filizcan 4 July 1983 at Çanakkale

Şadan Gazeteci 24 September 1980 at Kocaeli Prison

Hüseyin Aydın at Metris Prison

Şaduman Kansu 1985 at Bayrampaşa Prison

Adil Can 11 April 1985 at Metris Prison

Abdullah Meral 14 June 1984 at Metris

Haydar Başbağ 17 June 1984 at Metris

Fatih Öktülmüş 17 June 1984 at Metris

Hasan Telci 22 June1984 at Metris

Mustafa Tunç 1982 at İstanbul

12 September: Torture, Human Right Violations and Capital Punishments

Upon overtaking power on September 12, the Military Fascist Junta established torture chambers across the country. The Junta had planned everything beforehand. Torture became a daily reality not only detainees but also for villagers In Turkey-Kurdistan. Accused of aiding guerrillas, village folks routinely gathered in village squares and subjected systematic torture and humiliation. Families whose members were assumed to have joined guerrillas and refused to surrender were exiles from their villages. Sometimes entire villages were forcefully emptied and its residents were exiled en mass. Countless people became victims of permanent traumas.

During the September 12 Military Fascist Junta, around one million people were detained. Almost all of them were severely tortured. Police stations, military barracks, and schools in Turkey-Kurdistan were turned into torture centres for many years. The Junta sent many military staff to the US to be trained in torture techniques.

During this long dark period, hundreds of people died under torture. Hundreds of people became permanently disabled. Thousands are severely traumatised as a consequence of torture. Many people lost their mental balance. Many of them, subsequently, marginalised themselves from community. When revolutionary detainees refused to speak under torture, their children and spouses were subjected to torture. 3-5 year-old children were tortured before the eyes of their parents, leaving permanent damages in their psyches. During this period, torture was systematic, state sponsored, and boundless. They used every imaginable torture techniques, some of which are; Strappado, starving and sleep deprivation, cold water treatment, electric shocks, squeezing men’s genital organ, rape, bastinado, pouring hot water into throat, etc.

Below are the names of those who were killed under torture between 1980 and 1984:

Killing trough Torture in 1980 to 1984

Ramazan Oğuz 20 September 1980 Gazipaşa

Ali Çakmaklı 24 September 1980 Adana

Zeynel Abidin Ceylan 26 September 1980 Ankara

Hüseyin Karakaş 27 september 1980 İskenderun

Ali İnan 28 Semtember 1980 İstanbul

Abdurrahman Aktimur October 1980 Mazıdağ

Ömer Aktaş 1 October 1980

Ahmet Hilmi Fevzioğlu 2 October 1980 Bursa

Emin Alkan 4 October 1980 Siirt

Hasan Asker Özmen 5 October 1980

Ahmet Karlangaç 12 October 1980 İstanbul

Ekrem Ekşi 16 October 1980 İstanbul

Metin Aksoy 24 october 1980

Sait Şimşek 26 october 1980

Ahmet Yüksel 27 October 1980

Rafet Demir 30 October 1980 Bursa

Himmet Uysal 30 October 1980 Uşak

Ahmet Altan 3 November 1980 Maraş

İbrahim Eski 11 November 1980 Ankara

Cengiz Aksakal 12 November 1980 Artvin

Feridun Yılmaz 12 november 1980 Eskişehir

Şükrü Gedik 12 November 1980 Karakoçan

Cafer Dağdoğan 12 November 1980 Adana

Rüstem Gürsoy 14 November 1980 İstanbul

Süleyman Ölmez 18 November 1980 Tunceli

Hayrettin Eren 21 November 1980 İstanbul

Cuma Özaslan 25 November 1980 Gaziantep

Kenan Gürsoy 3 December 1980 Diyarbakır

Bayram Lafçı 3 December 1980

Recai Yılmaz 5 December 1980 İstanbul

Mehmet Sanı 6 december 1980 İstanbul

Ercan Koca 15 december 1980 Ankara

Behçet Dinlerer 15 december 1980

Nihat Arda 16 December 1980 Ankara

Şeyhmuz Akdoğan 18 December 1980 Siverek

Munzur Geçgel 27 December 1980 İzmir

Turan Sağlam 28 December 1980 Erzurum

Mehmet Dağ 29 December 1980 Adana

Davut Elibolu 29 December 1980 Amasya

Hasan Kılıç 30 december 1980 Elazığ

Yılmaz Peköz 1981 Kırıkkale

Oruç Korkmaz 1981 Kars

Hasan Temizsoy 1981

Hasan Dorul 1981 Gölcük

Hasan Kılıç January 1981 Tunceli

Cemil Kırbayır 5 january 1981

İlyaz Güleç 6 January 1981 İstanbul

Ayhan Alan 8 January 1981 Tarsus

Ahmet Uzun 16 January 1981 Rize

Adil Ali Yılmaz 20 January 1981 Ankara

Ahmet Demir February 1981 Diyarbakır

Osman Karaduman February 1981 Adana

Mehmet Ali Erbay 10 February 1981 Adıyaman

Sinan Karacalı 11 February 1981 Adana

İbrahim Alpdoğan 11 February 1981 Maraş

Ömer Aydoğmuş 12 February 1981 İzmir

Mehmet Ali Kılıç 12 February 1981 Ankara

Hulusi Dalak 13 February 1981 Gaziantep

Bedrettin Sınak 13 February 1981 Adana

Ünsal Beydoğan 25 February 1981 İstanbul

Ali Küçük March 1981

Osman Taştekin 5 March 1981 Kayseri

Celal Kıpırdamaz 10 March 1981 Uşak

Halil Uluğ 16 March 1981 Adıyaman

Abdullah Paksoylu 16 March 1981 Adıyaman

İbrahim Çelik 17 March 1981

S. Satılmış Dokuyucu 18 March 1981 Ankara

Hasan Gazoğlu 30 March 1981 İstanbul

Veysel Yıldız 1 April 1981 Malatya

Bozan Çimen 2 April 1981

Nurettin Yedigöl 12 April 1981 İstanbul

Cumali Ay 14 April 1981 İstanbul

Ahmet Sakin 21 April 1981 Ordu

Vakkas Devamlı 28 April 1981 Maraş

Mustafa Işık 1 May 1981 İstanbul

H. Hüseyin Damar 2 May 1981 İstanbul

Özalp Öner 4 April 1981 İstanbul

Necip Kutlu 6 May 1981 Konya

Ali Ekber Yürek 25 May 1981

Ahmet Kılıç 31 May 1981

Hasan Akar June 1981 Bozova

Ensar Karahan June 1981 Şavşat

Yusuf Bağ July 1981 Gaziantep

Bedri Bilge 20 July 1981 Artvin

Yakup Göktaş 27 July 1981 İstanbul

Süleyman Cihan 30 July 1981 İstanbul

Yakup Bıyık 6 August 1981 İstanbul

Bayram Kocabaş 21 August 1981 Ankara

Fehmi Özaslan 21 August 1981 Maraş

Selahattin Satic 28 August 1981 Kırkağ

Mehmet Yıldız 13 September 1981 Ankara

Metin Sarpbulut October 1981 Ankara

Hasan Alemoğlu 4 October 1981 Ankara

Behzat Firik 10 October 1981 Tunceli

Mehmet Ceren 20 october 1981 Maraş

Ataman İnce 26 october 1981 İstanbul

Mehmet Karataş November 1981 Erzurum

Cengiz Aksakal 12 November 1981 Şavşat

İsmail Esen 15 november 1981 Bursa

Günay Balcı 19 November 1981 İstanbul

Mustafa Şahin 24 December 1981 Elazığ

Ali Kamış 1982 Konya

Selahattin Kurutur 1982 Diyarbakır

Cennet Deşirmenci 22 May 1982 Gaziantep

Cemalettin Yalçın 1982 İstanbul

Fehamettin Şeref 1982 Şavşat

Benli Coşkun 1982 Nizip

Halil Çınar 1982 Diyarbakır

Kenan Kılıç 1982 Diyarbakır

Süleyman Şeker February 1982 Bozova

Şevket Sevseren February 1982 Adana

Abdurrahim Aksoy 9 February 1982 Samsun

Önder Demirok 22 February 1982 Diyarbakır

Cemal Kılıç 23 February 1982 Diyarbakır

Mustafa Tunç 9 July 1982 Haydarpaşa

Hüseyin Çolak 10 August 1982 Ankara

Yusuf Ali Özbey 27 August 1982 Besni

Adnan Zincirkıran September 1982 Bozova

Kenan Küçük Eylül 1982 Ankara

Ines Rumph 23 September 1982 Bursa

Coşkun Altun November 1982 İstanbul

İsmail Hakkı Hocaoğlu 11 November 1982 İstanbul

Mustafa Asım Hayrullahoğlu 16 November 1982 İstanbul

Süleyman Aslan 20 November 1982 Tokat

Hüseyin Sertkaya 21 November 1982 Bingöl

Feyzullah Bingöl 25 November 1982 Muş

İhsan Çetintaş 1983 Erzurum

Mutlu Çetin Ocak 1983 Manisa

Zekeriya Erdoğan 24 February 1983 Adana

İsmail Kıran 31 January 1983 Diyarbakır

Mazlum Güder 4 March 1983 Elazığ

Niyazi Gündoğdu 15 March 1983 Sivas

Ali Güven 28 July 1983 İzmir

Hüsnü Seyhan 23 September 1983 İzmir

Hasan Akbaba October 1983 Ankara

İsmail Kıran November 1983 Diyarbakır

İbrahim Ulağ 3 November 1983 Diyarbakır

Enver Şahan 13 November 1983 Gaziantep

İsmail Cüneyt 24 Decenber 1983 İstanbul

Cemal Özdemir 1983

Ali Uygur Tarsus

Hasan Hakkı Erdoğan 1984 İstanbul

In 12 September era, human rights violations were not limited to torture. Right to life was hanging on thin thread. Every soldier, police, judge, and other officers who carried out orders of the Junta committed human rights violations. Thousands of workers were laid off. Special directives were sent to companies instructing them not hire people of Dersim region. People were denied of their passport. Hundreds of the academic staff were sacked. Religious education became compulsory, laying aside the freedom of belief. Women came under suffocating oppression. 12 September has created an obedient and voiceless community.

During September 12, human life was up to a word out of Junta members’ lips. Junta chiefs signed capital punishment sentences without any second thought. Despite being underage, Erdal Eren was executed at age 17 – his age was raised by a judge verdict to qualify him for capital punishment. Execution of revolutionaries was quickly approved. None of the capital punishment verdicts were overturned by the Supreme Court.

List of people who were executed by the September 12 Junta:

NECDET ADALI

Arrested in July 1977.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on October of 1979.

Hanged on 8 October 1980 in Ankara.

He was 22 years old.

SERDAR SOYERGİN

Arrested on 14 September 1980 in Adana.

Within 5 days following his arrest, sentenced to death.

Hanged 40 days later on 25 October 1980 in Adana.

He was 20 years old.

ERDAL EREN

Arrested on 2 February 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 19 March 1980.

Hanged on 14 December 1980 in Ankara.

He was 17 years old.

VEYSEL GÜNEY

Arrested on 28 1980 in Gaziantep.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20 February 1981.

Hanged on 11 June 1981 in Gaziantep.

He was 23 years old. His corpse was not returned to his family. His grave is unknown.

AHMET SANER

Arrested on 16 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 October 1980.

Hanged on 26 June 1981 in İstanbul.

He was 22 years old.

KADİR TANDOĞAN

Arrested on 16 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 October 1980.

Hanged on 26 June 1981 in İstanbul.

He was 23 years old.

MUSTAFA ÖZENÇ

Arrested on 7 January 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 March 1981.

Hanged on 21 August 1981 in Adana.

He was 22 years old.

İBRAHİM ETHEM COŞKUN

Arrested on 29 April 1980 in İzmir.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1 May 1981.

Hanged on 13 March 1982 in İzmir.

He was 23 years old.

NECATİ VARDAR

Arrested on 30 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1 May 1981.

Hanged on 13 March 1982 in İzmir.

He was 22 years old.

SEYİT KONUK

Arrested on 29 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1 May 1981.

Hanged on 13 March 1982 in İzmir.

He was 26 years old.

ALİ AKTAŞ

Arrested on 9 June 1980 in İskenderun.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 May 1981.

Hanged on 23 January 1983, on his birthday, in Adana.

He was 27 years old.

ÖMER YAZGAN

Arrested on 17 January 1981in Akyazı, Sakarya. Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20 April 1981. Hanged on 30 January 1983 in İzmit. He was 23 years old.

RAMAZAN YUKARIGÖZ

Arrested on 17 January 1981 in Akyazı, Sakarya.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20 April 1981.

Hanged on 30 January 1983 in İzmit.

He was 23 years old.

MEHMET KAMBUR

Arrested on 17 January 1981 in Akyazı, Sakarya.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20 April 1981.

Hanged on 30 January 1983 in İzmit.

He was 28 years old.

İLYAS HAS

Arrested on 28 December 1980 in İzmir.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 18 January 1982.

Hanged on 7 October 1984 in Buca.

He was 29 years old.

HIDIR ASLAN

Arrested on February 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 29 July 1981.

Hanged on 25 October 1984 in Burdur. He was 26 years old.

12 September Fascist Junta’s Racist Practise on the Kurdish Nationality

Oppression on the Kurdish nation has been going on for decades. The Kurdish nation has been a victim of countless massacres by the fascist dictatorship. Kurdish language and culture have been banned. Admitting that a Kurdish nation exists has been considered as a crime. Throughout the years, Kurdish leaders have been persecuted, tried, exiled, and executed. With the September 12 Military Fascist Junta, oppression upon Kurds further intensified. Under the pretext of “hunt for secessionists” and “military operation,” brutality and suppression became a daily reality for the Kurdish people. With September 12, Kurdish geography turned into an open prison. Each village became a military basis and Kurdish peasants and toilers were tortured on a regular basis. With the coming of Junta, one third of the 750-thousand personal strong Turkish army was deployed to the Kurdish area. Just in Dersim, 55.000 troupes were deployed. In 1983, the entire 2^nd Army Command was sent to Malatya carrying out over ten large scale military manoeuvres between 1980 -1987. In 1982 manoeuvre, titled ‘Republic is a virtue’, so-called enemy soldiers were dressed in traditional Kurdish costumes during simulated military operations. Operations by special units and army troops became part of the daily life throughout Kurdistan. Thousands of acres of forest were burnt with the excuse of cleaning out bandits, causing enormous environmental damage in Kurdistan.

The Junta categorized Kurds as ‘friends of the state’ and ‘enemy of the state’. Lists of names made according this categorization were hung on army station walls so that newly stationed personal could implement instructions accordingly. Furthermore, all Kurdish tribes were tagged according to political views. Of these, the ones deemed as ‘friends of the state’ were supplied with weapons, and later on a number of them were turned into villages guards.

With the coming of Junta and under the Constitution that it adopted, which is still the current Constitution as of 2010, a number of special regulations and laws that specifically apply to Kurds were passed. Accordingly the Kurdish language was banned. Kurds were forbidden to speak their own language, to organize meetings, and to publish any written, visual, or audio material in Kurdish. Kurds were prohibited to form any association, club, union, or a political party – doing so was officially declared as a crime of cessation, with heavy prison terms as a consequence. Kurdish education and all courses were banned. The constitution decreed that no other language than Turkish could be used as a language of education in any educational institution. It was officially declared a crime for a person to identify him/herself as a Kurd.

With the September 12, Kurdish names were banned. No new born baby could be given a Kurdish name. No one could his or her existing name for a Kurdish one. It was furthermore banned to use Kurdish in any business conduct or in any celebration of national days, festivals and holidays.

It was also illegal to conduct any scientific research or publish its results in Kurdish. The aim was to systematically leave Kurdish out of any scientific, artistic, cultural, literary and otherwise development.

The Military Fascist Junta of September 12 was another attempt to impose Kemalist official ideology onto every cell of the society. All educational, cultural, social, and political structures were rearranged according to Kemalist ideology. Its Turkish racism was based on the denial of existence of any other nation in Turkey – with specifically denial of Kurdish nation’s existence.

During the post September 12 Military Coup era, the Kurdish national resistance made a significant stride forward by launching armed struggle in Kurdistan in 1984. With the participation of tens of thousands of youth, men, women, and elders, the Kurdish national resistance movement gained enormous achievements. If today the existence of Kurdish nation in Turkey is an undeniable fact, it is established through great struggles of this resistance movement. Similarly, if in recent years certain strict regulation and laws are changed; it is not because of any democratization within the Turkish regime but thanks to the struggle by the Kurdish national movement. However, the Turkish ruling classes never have an easy time digesting any progress made in Kurdish national issue. Despite certain changes in law, Kurdish press and cultural activities are still routinely suppressed. There are still hundreds of people who have to defend themselves before the court due to the indictments that they performed propaganda activities in Kurdish. Giving new-borns Kurdish names is still a reason of persecution and interrogation. Legal Kurdish political parties are still being shut down on made-up grounds.

The September 12 Military Fascist Junta: Suppression and Prohibitions over Unions and Democratic Organisations

Immediately after over taking the power, the September 12 Military Fascist Junta launched attacked on all democratic organizations and institutions and restructured them according to wishes of bosses. Unions received its share of attacks, as well. Except the Turk- Is union, all other union and democratic organisation were banned, their assets were seized, and their leaders were tried by military courts, writing out hundreds of years of prison sentences. All collective agreements were annulled and strikes forcibly stopped.

Demands of capitalists were implemented without delay. Existing regulations regarding weekend holidays, perks and severance pays were cancelled. New regulations favoured bosses demands. Also according to new laws, May Day no longer could be celebrated.

Among unions, the Junta especially targeted the DISK (Confederation of Revolutionary Worker Unions). 2000 of DISK’s officials and members were arrested, where many of them were interrogated for over 100 days. On 26.06.1981, the military prosecution asked for death penalty for 54 officials, whose indictments were handed to them 5 months later. DISK trial went on until 1986, where 1477 DISK officials and members faced the military court. Consequently, DISK and 28 affiliated unions were shut down.

The Junta also targeted TÖB-DER (All Teachers’ Unity and Solidarity Association), an organization founded by progressive and revolutionary teachers. Following the arrival of Junta regime, TÖB-DER too was shut down.

TÖB-DER was a democratic organization that was founded after the 1971 military coup. Its parent organization was TÖS (Teachers Union of Turkey), which had been shut down by the 1971 Junta. From its foundation and on, TÖB-DER managed to organize a majority of teachers throughout Turkey. By the time it was shut down, it had more than 200 thousand members in 670 chapters. As a teachers’ association it became a bastion against regressive education policies. It created the fight area against to obscurantism of education with 200 thousands members and 670 bureaus. And TÖB-DER endeavoured to educate in mother tongue for Kurdish nation.

There are millions of people in Turkey who adhere to the Alevi minority. The Alevite’s were always the target of the Turkish state. The Turkish state waged special policies in order to force the Alevite’s to convert to the Sunnite belief. Following long and hard periods of struggle, the Alevites began obtaining some rights in terms of practicing their own believes by midst of 1995. Previously, practice of Alevite spiritual and cultural practices were strictly prohibited by the state. The Alevites were forced to hold their prayers illegally. Trained by government’s religious education institutions, imams, official sunni clerics, constantly propagated that the animals sacrificed by the Alevit’s are illegitimate and that it is a sin to shake hands of Alevites and that one that kills an Alevite will go to heaven. As a consequence of this anti-propaganda, mass killings in Maraş, Çorum and Sivas were provoked. Those massacres were initiated and carried out by state-supported civil fascist organizations and groups. The junta gave special effort to force Alevites to convert to Sunni sect. Hundreds of mosques were built in Alevite villages. The Alevite dervishes were forced to convert and go to the mosque.

Women and 12 September

The MFJ of September 12 brought an intense atmosphere of terror over woman, as well. The members of the Junta attacked and suppressed woman without recognition of any tradition, social or family structure or jurisdiction value. As a result of the fascist terror that women had to suffer during the junta, they went through severe traumas. In order to breakdown revolutionary organizations, to capture cadres and supporters, mothers and wives of revolutionaries were tortured and imprisoned. The torture and exploitation against the Kurdish women in Turkey-Kurdistan has been scratched into the minds of society that it may be impossible to ever recover from. Arife Kaynar, who was subjected to persecutions by the junta after a warrant against her husband, explains her experience; “After the Junta overtook the power, I was forced to leave my profession as a teacher after 14 years because my husband was wanted as a ‘political criminal’. I was left back with a 7 month old baby and my 10 years old son and came face to face with hunger. After a certain period I was forced to leave my baby by my family. We didn’t have the options to provide the daily needs of nursing cost and in order to survive we had to stay every day at another house. My family was falling apart. One by one members of my larger family were brought to the police station for interrogation. Their houses were often raided. Despite her age, my 70 year-old mother and 60 year-old father-in-law encountered unspeakable insults. They threatened us with taking my baby hostage. My father’s house was kept under surveillance with the intention of capturing me when I went to breastfeed my child.” (From the book ’12 Eylül Yargılanıyor’, pg. 173)

Thousands of women were subjected to the same torture and repression. Many women, despite not having any involvement with political organisations, were tortured to reveal the whereabouts of their husbands. They were tortured and raped.

During the coup, revolutionary women paid heavily for their political involvement. The torture cells of prisons, police stations and military barracks were filled with women who were tortured for their beliefs. They were questioned for ninety days and within this period all sorts of tortures were inflicted upon them, including sexual abuse. They were stripped naked, sexually assaulted, given electric shocks and raped, some in front of their husbands. Those who were pregnant at the time of their arrest were not spared. Some of the pregnant women had miscarriages under torture and some gave birth in prisons. The fascist regime didn’t just fail to provide the most basic needs for child care but also prevented them from receiving medical care. Some of these women without having the chance to bond with their babies were forced to give them into the care of their relatives. As a result of refusal to comply with the demeaning regimes of prisons they were subjected to years of brutal practices. Their rights to legal defence were denied. For years they were denied books, newspapers and magazines. Their rights to visitors and communication with the outside were denied. The dormitories they stayed in were searched by male soldiers and nothing was left unturned. Before and after September 12th the bourgeois press constantly attacked women. Women who were arrested were labelled as ‘female militants’ by the bourgeois media bent on humiliating women at every opportunity.

After September 12^th, Kurdish women were also subjected to terrible attacks. Kurdish women like their Turkish counterparts suffered terribly but they were also attacked for being Kurdish. On top of all the torture they suffered they were also forced into ‘educational’ programs wholly aimed at demeaning them because of their identity and to subject them to assimilation.

Kurdish villages were turned into prisons. Kurdish women were at the forefront of those targets for aiding and abetting guerrillas. People were rounded up and tortured in village squares. Women were threatened with being stripped naked and were battered in front of their relatives.

Settle up with the September 12th Military Fascist Junta

The September 12 MFJ took place thirty years ago. Five generals, with the support of their imperialist “big brothers”, took control thirty years ago and yet despite the time that has passed, the victims of the junta still seek justice. They want those who led and participated in the junta to be tried and punished. While countries like Greece and Chile confronted their junta, Turkey is the only country that has not tried the perpetrators of the junta.

So why isn’t this happening in Turkey? Why are the generals who are still alive still able to go walking around ‘FREE’? Why aren’t they tried, why aren’t people outraged when Evren declares on television “When signing the executions my hands didn’t tremble”? The answer to these questions is related to social awareness and sensitivity. In countries like Turkey common memory is weak. The masses that are under the influence of religion view these experiences as fate and their power to do anything as insufficient. In such countries religion has come upon society like black clouds. Since justice is found in the hereafter there’s no point in pursuing it in this world. Such sentiments weaken sensitivity to issues that need collective action. Associations carrying out the democratic struggle are few and far between. If we leave out IHD (Human Rights Association) and a couple of other associations, it is not possible to talk of a strong social civilian movement. The demand for those responsible for 12 September to be tried will only be possible with strong social civil movements. The prosecution of the junta in countries such as Greece and Chile was the result of strong mass movement that demanded the prosecution. Unfortunately Turkey lacks such social movements and the demand so far has been voiced by only a handful of groups and this has yielded no results. The reluctance of the governments that have come to power since are reluctant to prosecute, which makes it very difficult to bring the generals to account.

The terror didn’t just take place during and the immediate period after the coup but also during Tansu Ciller’s government and the DSP-ANAP-MHP coalition. That is why it is crucial to view these governments as the products of September 12 and the atrocities committed by them are as worse. Until the year 2000 about five million Kurds were banished from their villages and the remains of hundreds of people that disappeared under detention still have not been located. It is still unknown how many people were thrown into acid pits.

It is the duty of everyone to ask for this dark period to be accounted for. The revolutionary movement, after the onslaught of the junta, took a long time to recover. After losing many of its members and supporters the revolutionary movement has not yet managed to properly confront September 12 MFJ. The significant shift to the right in the population and the loss of the impulse to question has made it difficult to confront the junta. Questioning the coup has been squeezed into the anniversary day. Of course it is also important to put the members of the junta on trial. It is important to show that this junta is not forgotten but this is not enough. Also is it not enough to only limit this to the basis of putting five generals on trial, it would be symbolic but not enough.

The businessmen who supported them, the media, other lower ranking soldiers and bureaucrats, the prosecutors who disregarded the law completely, the judges, those that have the order to raise the age of the young revolutionary Erdal Eren so that he could be hanged and those who carried out the execution, the police who perpetrated torture, those who executed without trial, those who drenched Turkey- Kurdistan in blood, those who destroyed forests and crops, those who forced the evacuation of thousa

We condemn the 12 September Military Fascist Junta in Turkey on the 30^th anniversary of the coup!

We commemorate YILMAZ GÜNEY on the 26^th anniversary of his death!

The background and Consequences of the September 12th Military Fascist Junta on the 30^th Anniversary .

Generals of the Coup:

Kenan Evren, Nurettin Ersin, Tahsin, Sakaya, Sedat Celasun, Nejat Tümer

30 years ago the Military Fascist Junta (MFJ) took power in Turkey on 12 September, 1980.  The coup took its place in the history as the bloodiest, surpassing former coups of 27 May 1960 and of 12 March 1971 in brutality.  The 12 September MFJ terrorized people of Turkey for years. Its widespread and systematic torture policy, oppression, and consecutively executed death penalties are still topics of heated discussions.  As soon as the MFJ installed itself in the power, it dissolved the Demirel cabinet, abolished the parliament, shut down all political parties and arrested all their executive members, revoked all laws that were in force at the time, and put a stop to all on-going strikes.  The Confederation of Revolutionary Worker’s Union (DISK) was shut down and its entire assets were seized by the Junta. Leaders of DISK were arrested and brought 54 trade unionist to the court, demanding death penalty. All democratic mass organizations were shut down. Executive committee members of TÖBDER and Union of Writer, among others, were arrested and brought before the court.  Press and broadcasting were put under the direct control of Junta.  All writers, scientists, and education personnel that were deemed as progressive were subjected to prosecution as well as persecution.  Thousands of workers were laid off.  An unprecedented terror campaign was launched against the Kurdish nation.  Kurdish villages were burnt. Villagers were exiled and tortured.

Using extreme violence, the Junta also crushed the revolutionary movement. Although the revolutionary movement had forecast the coming of MFJ beforehand, they could not make a successful plan to fight back against the Junta.

Leaders, cadres, members and supporters of revolutionary movement were arrested.  17 revolutionaries were hanged by the Junta between 1980 and 1984.  Dozens of them were murdered under torture.  Every single prison turned into a torture chamber.  Many revolutionary organizations abolished themselves and a significant number of them softened their lines to find ways to survive within the system.  Some of them became Kemalist and got influenced by Turkish Nationalism. Revolutionary organizations with firmer stance on their lines could come to themselves only by the 1990s.

Below is a rough list of outcomes of the MFJ, stayed in power for 9 consecutive years:

• 650.000 people were arrested.

• 1.683.000 people were registered to police files.

• 210.000 court cases were filed, where 230.000 people were prosecuted.

• 7000 people were brought to court with capital punishment requests.

• 517 people were given death penalty.

• 50 of them were hanged.

• Files of 259 people who received death sentences sent to the parliament.

• 71.000 people were brought before the court under the articles 141, 142 and 163 of the penal code of the Republic of Turkey.

• 98.404 people, accused of being members of illegal organization members, were put into trial.

• 388.000 people were denied a passport.

• 30.000 people were fired because of being a threat to national security.

• 14.000 people lost their citizenship.

• 30.000 people fled Turkey and sought asylum as a political refugee.

• 300 people died suspiciously.

• 171 people died under torture (only the official documented cases).

• 937 movies were banned as a threat to national security.

• Activities of 23.677 associations were stopped.

• 3.854 teachers, 120 university lecturers and 47 judges were laid off.

• 4000 years of prison sentences were asked for 400 journalists.

• Journalists received 3.315 years and 6 months of prison sentences.

• 31 journalists were put in jail.

• 300 journalists were assaulted.

• 3 journalist were murdered by gun.

• Newspapers could not get published for 300 days.

• 303 court cases opened against 13 mainstream newspapers.

• 39 ton newspaper and journal were destroyed.

• 299 people lost their lives in prison.

• 144 of them died suspiciously.

• 14 people died in Hunger Strike.

• 16 people were shot down while “running away.”

• 95 people died during “encounter.”

• 73 people died “a normal death” according to official reports.

• Death of 43 people were reported as a suicide.

Grounds for the 12 September Military Fascist Junta

The Military Fascist Junta of 12 September came to power to crush the revolutionary opposition. By 1980, revolutionary movement had become quite powerful. It was putting a lot pressure on the government. It was putting up a considerable resistance against civil fascists.  Even the ever expanding Martial Law, which was ever expanded after the Marash massacre, did not offer a steady solution for the ruling classes.  Worker strikes were increasingly more frequent and bigger. Government had to take a step back after workers started armed resistance due to employment of civil fascists at TARİŞ.  Following the January 24 Decisions, government encountered even further testing days as strikes spread out in many cities across the country and shopkeepers refused to open their stores in reaction to the Decisions.

The ruling classes were going through a crisis of inability to govern. Parliament was no-longer functional. Despite the 100^th round of election, a president of republic could not be elected. The Justice Party, Republican People’s Party, National Salvation Party, and Nationalist Movement Party were insisting to get their nomination to be elected and could not agree on one nominated person.  Each political party was maintaining a number of high ranking bureaucratic positions, which were then utilized to gain an upper hand in the skirmish. The situation was becoming intolerable for the comprador bosses. Under instruction and order of his bosses, IMF and imperialist Monopolies, Demirel’s cabinet came up with new economic decisions as known the January 24 Decisions, which covered extensive economic measures. Besides focusing on foreign trade relations, the economic packet included restrictions on rights of workers, civil servants, and toiling masses, such as ending strikes, disabling workers union, and rearrangement of labour agreements and holidays.

The implementation of Decisions, however, was far from smooth and fast.  Economy was clogged. People were queuing for everything. Inflation was still very high. The situation was causing serious instability in Turkey, a crucial member of NATO’s southern wing. Turkey’s political and economic crisis was considered instability for the USA’s plans in the Middle East plans. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran and the occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet social imperialists within the same year, stabilization of Turkey gained further importance for the US politics in the region. The US knew well that conditions were suitable for a military coup in Turkey.  Thus on December 27, 1979, a warning letter was sent to President Fahri Koruturk by Chief of Army General Kenan Evren, Commender of Land Forces General Nurettin Ersin, Commender of Marine Forces vice Admiral Bülent Ulusu, Commender of Air Forces General Tahsin Şahinkaya and Commender of Gendarme General Sedat Celasun. Laying ground for a military coup, the letter stated: “Turkish army forces insistently require that in the face of today’s crucial issues of our country, by prioritizing our national interests, political parties at once take collaborative measures, in accordance with the principals of our Constitution and with assistance of other Constitutional institutions, against terror movements which intend to bring down the state”. On January 01, 1980, Kenan Evren had a meeting with Commander of Forces at Cankaya Palace, where the plans for the 12 September 1980 Military Coup were drawn.  The first statement of coup was announced to country on TV and radio by the leader of coup, Kenan Evren. On the same day, one officer informed then US President, Jimmy Carter stating that ‘our kids took care of the job.’

12 September Military Fascist Coup’s Policy to Achieve Complete Surrender in Prisons and the Resistance of Prisoners

The 12 September Military Fascist Coup (MFC) spared a considerable amount of attention to prisons. They thought that they could rehabilitate revolutionary and patriotic prisoners in prisons.  Specific implementations were developed to this end.  CIA’s experiments were one by one put into practice in Turkey’s prisons.  Against those who dared to resist, all forms of violent methods were used to the full extend. The MFJ was estimating that they can easily intimidate revolutionaries in jail.  However, they faced rather unexpected reaction to this policy, revolutionary and patriotic political prisoners resisted heroically against all practices of MFC.  In the face of this resistance, MFC increased violence and took over all management of jails in Turkey and Turkey’s Kurdistan. Thus the military forces become the only responsible institution for management of prisons. The following are the main enforcements practiced in prisons during MFC’s period:

• Force all prisoners to address all soldiers and military officers as ‘Sir’

• Force to sing Turkish National Anthem

• Force all prisoners to attend Kemalist education classes

• Force all prisoners to pray before eating

• Force to take religious education

• Force to go to bed at certain times that are determined by the management of prison and force to do exercise

• Force to walk in a single line

• Force to have a hair cut like soldiers

• Forbid to speak any other language than Turkish during family visits

Under the junta regime Kurdish prisoners were subjected to a strict policy of Turkification.  Diyarbakir prison was selected especially for the implementation of this policy and jailed Kurdish patriots were concentrated here. Speaking in Kurdish was banned not only for Kurdish prisoners but also for their visitors, regardless of whether prisoners and visiting family members knew any Turkish or not – forced default language was Turkish. Prisoners who were accused of speaking Kurdish with their visitors were tortured afterward and thrown into isolation cells as a penalty. No publication was allowed enter prison facilities.  Indictments were handed months later. At court hearings, prisoners were prohibited to present their political defences.  Prisoners were humiliated by many demeaning practices such as putting them into septic tanks.  Many prisoners died due to illnesses. There was a special kind of humiliation put in practice for Armenian prisoners, where they were checked to see whether they were circumcised or not.  All Armenians were labelled and registered in a different file and were punished with penalties specific to them.

Facing all savagery and cruelties of Diyarbakir Prison, there was also resistance. Despite all these brutalities, resistance of revolutionaries and Kurdish patriotic prisoners and their political defences presented at courts were a perplexing phenomenon for the Junta. The turning point came when Mazlum Dogan, a Kurdish patriot and four of his comrades set fire on their own bodies as a self-sacrificing action against the brutalities of the coup.  Subsequently, the junta was brought to his knees with death fast action at Diyarbakir prison.

A former prisoner who spent long years in Diyarbakir Prison recounts the following: “When they could not crush the resistance, Captain Esat Oktay Yildiran was assigned on temporary basis. Some years later we found out that he was educated in the US especially for such assignments. There was also Kemal Yamak. Prior to the Coup, he was assigned as the commander of 7th Corps. In short, a special team was formed with the specific duty to deal with prisoners.  They all were dressed like commandos.  They were marching at 4^th floor as if they had just occupied an enemy territory in an effort to create a certain atmosphere, giving off signals that torture is to reach new dimensions. Esat Oktay used to shout: “Don’t confuse me with anyone else. Even flies cannot fly around here without my permission. You’ll either have to do exactly as I say or die.”  Death fast and other forms of resistance were still going on.  15-20 people were living together in wards.  We used call them “King’s Palace”.  We all got infested with lice. One night they poured water with detergent on us. We were physically getting weaker but our determination was still high. We were resisting torture. The resistance was high in spirit. We were like religious disciples, fixed on our faith. We received our accusations but we did not get chance to work on them.  We were not in a situation to defend ourselves before court. We were all focused on developing resistance against torture. We were not thinking about our representation at the court.  We were taken to court during Death fast, toward the end of April.  One early morning we were woken up with a terrifying scene at the corridor.  It’s hard to describe with words. For 4 hours constantly we were beaten by the police while handcuffed.  We could not look around.  They were trying to put us all in a one small van but it was impossible. They put a chain between our arms and shoved us into vans while tied to each other. The scene brought Armenians before my eyes, when they were taken away for massacre.  When we sat at the court our hands were on our knees and our eyes were fixed on the writing on the wall that says: “Justice is the foundation of the property.” It was a court case with 2000 people. We did not let them to check our identification. We talked about Death fast and torture.  Court said that these were not their concern, military was responsible with this area.  We were taken back from court to prison and again we were tortured until locked into cell. When they saw that nothing makes us stop our resistance they decided to negotiate. Hayri and Kemal represented prisoners in negotiations. On the 45^th day of the death fast they reached a deal that included an end to torture and better conditions in terms being brought to the court hearings. The death fast was terminated. Afterward, besides allowing us to appear before the court once more, they practically violated all other terms of the agreement.

By late 1981, they begin to focus on turning prisoners into confessors.  Mazlum Dogan carried out his action with three matchsticks in March 1982.  We heard about his action two days later.  We brought it up at the court but the court council did not even present an answer.  They only let confessors speak at the court.  We were getting tortured even in front of the court council.  There were three lawyers to defend us but they got arrested too.  They were waging an intimidation war so that no one would dare to defend us at the courd.  In 1982 action of “Dortler” was carried out but torture was continuing. Kemal, Hayri and Karasu decided to take action on 14^th of July.  They started to force prisoners to have sexual intercourse with each other in the cells.  Prisoners were raped by police baton and forced to eat shit. Focus on turn-coats intensified.  We reached 14^th of July in these conditions. We were in Urfa team; they took us to the court very early morning. Hayri Durmus was next to me. He asked to get a permission to speak. He said that he will make important announcements. He talked about death fast and prison conditions.  Then he said that he was responsible from those people but he failed to fulfil his responsibilities and for this reasons he requested to get “indebted” written on his tombstone.  The court committee was panicked. They finally realize what he was trying to say.  After that, resistance got bigger and bigger day by day.  Revolutionary and Kurdish Patriotic prisoners became more organized and they also organized and mobilized all other prisoners.  This initiative made them more confident and they overcame their shortcomings and won a victory.

Listed below are the prisoners who lost their lives in Diyarbakir Prison due to Hunger strike, death fast and illness:

İbiş Ural 27 December 1981

Ali Erek 10 April 1981

Mazlum Doğan 21 March 1982

Önder Demirok killed under torture on 22 February 1982

Abdurrahman Çeçen 16 May 1981

Cemal Kılıç 1982

Seyfettin Sak November 1982

Ali Sarıbal 13 November 1981

Mehmet Emin Akpınar 1982

Aziz Özbey killed under torture in 1982

Kenan Çiftçi killed under torture in 1982

Bedii Tan killed under torture in May 1982

Ferhat Kurtay 18 May 1982

Necmi Öner 18 May 1982

Mahmut Zengin 18 May 1982

Eşref Anyık 18 May 1982

Kemal Pir 7 September 1982

M.Hayri Durmuş 12 September 1982

Akif Yılmaz 15 September 1982

Ali Çiçek 17 September 1982

Necmettin Büyükkaya 24 January 1984

Cemal Arat 2 March 1984

Orhan Keskin 5 March 1984

Remzi Aytürk February 1984

Yılmaz Demir January 1984

M.Ali Eraslan

İsmet Karak

Ramazan Yaya 13 January 1983

Medet Özbadem 7 May 1983

Yılmaz Demir January 1984

Halil İbrahim Baturalp 27 April 1983

Hüseyin Yüce 18 January 1984

Suphi Çevirici May 1986

Aziz Büyükertaş May 1986

Mehmet Emin Yavuz February 1988

Mamak was another prison where torture took place intensively during the September 12 MFC.  At Mamak, Junta policies were already being implemented by August 1980. Under the pretext of prison security, assaults on revolutionary prisoners began when they raided wards and plundered all possessions of prisoners. In a sense this was a rehearsal of what was to come with the Junta.

As soon as the Junta took the power on September 12, they launched an intensive attack on political prisoners. Welcoming in-coming prisoners with a beating became a customary practice. During one of these routine beating sessions that Ilhan Erdost was murdered on November 07, 1980.

One of Mamak’s peculiarities was that it was a prison where Islamists and fascists were kept with revolutionary prisoners. This was deliberate implementation of MFC at Mamak, “Mix and reconcile them.” Revolutionary prisoners forced to stay with fascists in same wards. Revolutionary prisoners who objected to this practiced were tortured. Colonel Raci Tetik , the director of Mamak, terrorized the prison with the approval of the Junta.  He forced revolutionary prisoners to give up their ideology and adopt “Kemalist nationalism.”  Another inhumane policy of MFC at Mamak was that 100 prisoners were locked down to space for 20 people.

Cahit Akcam, who was kept at Mamak at the period, recalls the following: “Torture at prison has different dimensions. At the police station torture methods such as reverse hanging (Palestinian hanging), electric shocks, beating, foot whipping and let detainees go without food and water for days were used.  The main aim was to force you to accept crimes which you did not commit, and fabricate a story about illegal organization.  All these tortures and interrogation was ending with someone accepting the accusation or not.  However there is no ending for bad treatment and torture in Mamak.  It continued for days, weeks, and months and on, alienating prisoners from their own identities and turning them into mere objects. Once you enter into Mamak, all your sense of orientation disappears.  You are put into place called cage, and then you try to understand where all these abnormal noises come from.  I felt that I was in mental hospital in Bakirkoy. I had visited this hospital in 1975, at one its worse periods. It was a place where you could hear screams of patients, upon whom raw sewage was being poured. So at first I thought that I was in such a place. Later on we learned that these strange sounds came from soldiers who where doing prisoner attendance check.  When they cut your connection with outside world, you lose your sense of time.  All these treatments aim to turn you into creature who is incapable of thinking and doing something out of the ordinary.  Colonel Raci Tetik was monitoring everything 24 hours to make sure everything was done accordingly. As a member of the contra-guerrilla team, he had participated in an operation in 1960s where journalist Ilhami Sosyal was kidnapped and beaten to death and left somewhere outside Ankara. Neither for this operation nor for any of his crimes at Mamak, he has never yet been required to give an account.  And Mamak went down in history with all these torture and execution of death sentences as one of the bloodiest Prisons.

The September 12 MFC put its experiences gained from Mamak and Diyarbakir into practice in Istanbul prisons, which were prior to the MFC under the control of revolutionary prisoners.  In order to break revolutionary prisoners’ domination and achieve full surrender, Junta launched assaults from the onset. The foremost prison in Istanbul was Sagmacilar.  Majority of revolutionary prisoners was held in Sagmacilar.  There was also a number of military prisons in Istanbul that were temporarily used, such as Davutpaşa, Selimiye, Hastal, Kabakoz and Alemdağ prisons.  When Junta took power, Sagmacilar was evacuated and all revolutionary prisoners were distributed to the military prisons.  When the coming of MFC was definite, torture and oppression increased in these military prisons. In August 1980, revolutionary prisoners repelled a major assault operation at Davutpasa, setting the mood in terms of determination and resistance.

Another major prison in Istanbul was Metris. It opened in April 1981, 7 months ahead of its scheduled date, in order to hold political prisoners that were temporarily being held at military prisons across Istanbul. All the expenses of Metris prison was funded by comprador Vehbi Koc who supported the MFC.  Starting with Sultanahmet, political prisoners from other prisons were being transferred to Metris. Knowing well that nothing good is waiting for them at Metris, revolutionary prisoners staged resistance against transfers. Despite heroic resistance, however, the Junta succeeded in transferring political prisoners and detainees with military background who were accused of supporting revolutionary movements within the military. Metris was an important prison for the Junta because many of the leading cadres, members, and militants of revolutionary movements of Turkey were held there. The Junta’s plan was to turn this situation for its own advantage. Revolutionary prisoners were aware of the Junta’s agenda, as well as what were being done in Mamak and Diyarbakir. With this knowledge and their revolutionary spirit, they were able to put up unbreakable resistances.

From the outset, the Metris prison became a place of arbitrary practices and prohibitions. The Junta announced that every prisoner, just as a soldier, must be according to military discipline and regulations. Accordingly, they began to forcefully give a military hair-cut to political prisoners. As revolutionary prisoners resisted this practice, each hair-cutting session turned into a full-blown beating operation. As the revolutionary resistance intensified at Metris, arbitrary practices and tortures increased as well. Right to communication was revoked. For a long period no newspaper, magazine, or book was allowed to enter the prison. Following arduous struggles and hunger strikes, these rights were regained. However, the administration violated these rights at every chance it got. Numerous arbitrary and otherwise obstacles were put before the legal defence of political prisoners. Necessary documents were withheld. Prisoners who were preparing political defences were deprived of all supporting documents, books, etc. Prisoners who resisted to wearing prison uniforms were brought to hearings in their underwear. If hearings coincided winter months, they were punished by being forced stand outside in the freezing cold for hours. Letters to and from prisoners were withheld. Family visits of resisting prisoners were arbitrarily cancelled. If there was no family visit ban, then food and other goods that families brought to prisoners were confiscated. Food at prison cantina was sold at outrageously expensive prices.

By 1983, isolation treatment began, beginning with political prisoners who were assumed to be representatives and leaders. Contrary to breaking the organization and morale of political prisoners, this treatment fuelled new and more determined resistance actions. Agents were imbedded among revolutionary prisoners, hoping to learn their action plans beforehand and undercutting them. Despite all its methods and attacks, the prison administration did not achieve any satisfactory outcome.

In new attempts to bring Metris to a fall, they transferred some of high ranking prisoners to new cells that were built in renovated Sagmalcilar. The resistance at Metris, however, did not lose any of its determination and strength. 2 years later, prisoners who were held in single cells and wards of 6 persons were transferred back to Metris.

Despite all efforts of the Junta, revolutionary prisoners at Metris and Sagmalcilar could not be brought to their knees. One of the determining factor was that prisoners were unified in their actions. In countless hunger strikes, active resistance cases, and 1984 death fast, they struggled as one body, along with the support of families from outside.

Below are the names of prisoners who lost their lives in prisons in Istanbul and nearby cities:

İrfan Çelik 14 September 1980 at Davutpaşa Prison

İsmail Esen 15 November1981 at Bursa Prison

İsmet Taş 5 December 1981 at Metris Askeri Prison

Şerif Yazar 24 December 1981 at Alemdağ Prison

Hakan Mermeroluk 24 December 1981 at Alemdağ

Bahadır Dumanlı 3 January 1982 at Alemdağ

Talip Yılmaz 20 December 1982 at İstanbul Hasdal

Hamdi Filizcan 4 July 1983 at Çanakkale

Şadan Gazeteci 24 September 1980 at Kocaeli Prison

Hüseyin Aydın at Metris Prison

Şaduman Kansu 1985 at Bayrampaşa Prison

Adil Can 11 April 1985 at Metris Prison

Abdullah Meral 14 June 1984 at Metris

Haydar Başbağ 17 June 1984 at Metris

Fatih Öktülmüş 17 June 1984 at Metris

Hasan Telci 22 June1984 at Metris

Mustafa Tunç 1982 at İstanbul

12 September: Torture, Human Right Violations and Capital Punishments

Upon overtaking power on September 12, the Military Fascist Junta established torture chambers across the country. The Junta had planned everything beforehand. Torture became a daily reality not only detainees but also for villagers In Turkey-Kurdistan. Accused of aiding guerrillas, village folks routinely gathered in village squares and subjected systematic torture and humiliation. Families whose members were assumed to have joined guerrillas and refused to surrender were exiles from their villages. Sometimes entire villages were forcefully emptied and its residents were exiled en mass. Countless people became victims of permanent traumas.

During the September 12 Military Fascist Junta, around one million people were detained. Almost all of them were severely tortured. Police stations, military barracks, and schools in Turkey-Kurdistan were turned into torture centres for many years. The Junta sent many military staff to the US to be trained in torture techniques.

During this long dark period, hundreds of people died under torture. Hundreds of people became permanently disabled. Thousands are severely traumatised as a consequence of torture. Many people lost their mental balance. Many of them, subsequently, marginalised themselves from community. When revolutionary detainees refused to speak under torture, their children and spouses were subjected to torture. 3-5 year-old children were tortured before the eyes of their parents, leaving permanent damages in their psyches.  During this period, torture was systematic, state sponsored, and boundless. They used every imaginable torture techniques, some of which are; Strappado, starving and sleep deprivation, cold water treatment, electric shocks, squeezing men’s genital organ, rape, bastinado, pouring hot water into throat, etc.

Below are the names of those who were killed under torture between 1980 and 1984:

Killing trough Torture in 1980 to 1984

Ramazan Oğuz 20 September 1980 Gazipaşa

Ali Çakmaklı 24 September 1980 Adana

Zeynel Abidin Ceylan 26  September 1980 Ankara

Hüseyin Karakaş 27  september 1980 İskenderun

Ali İnan 28  Semtember 1980 İstanbul

Abdurrahman Aktimur October 1980 Mazıdağ

Ömer Aktaş 1  October 1980

Ahmet Hilmi Fevzioğlu 2  October 1980 Bursa

Emin Alkan 4  October 1980 Siirt

Hasan Asker Özmen 5  October 1980

Ahmet Karlangaç 12  October 1980 İstanbul

Ekrem Ekşi 16  October 1980 İstanbul

Metin Aksoy 24  october 1980

Sait Şimşek 26  october 1980

Ahmet Yüksel 27  October 1980

Rafet Demir 30  October 1980 Bursa

Himmet Uysal 30  October 1980 Uşak

Ahmet Altan 3  November 1980 Maraş

İbrahim Eski 11  November 1980 Ankara

Cengiz Aksakal 12  November 1980 Artvin

Feridun Yılmaz 12  november 1980 Eskişehir

Şükrü Gedik 12  November 1980 Karakoçan

Cafer Dağdoğan 12  November 1980 Adana

Rüstem Gürsoy 14  November 1980 İstanbul

Süleyman Ölmez 18  November 1980 Tunceli

Hayrettin Eren 21  November 1980 İstanbul

Cuma Özaslan 25  November 1980 Gaziantep

Kenan Gürsoy 3  December 1980 Diyarbakır

Bayram Lafçı 3  December 1980

Recai Yılmaz 5  December 1980 İstanbul

Mehmet Sanı 6  december 1980 İstanbul

Ercan Koca 15  december  1980 Ankara

Behçet Dinlerer 15  december 1980

Nihat Arda 16  December  1980 Ankara

Şeyhmuz Akdoğan 18  December 1980 Siverek

Munzur Geçgel 27  December 1980 İzmir

Turan Sağlam 28  December 1980 Erzurum

Mehmet Dağ 29  December 1980 Adana

Davut Elibolu 29  December 1980 Amasya

Hasan Kılıç 30  december 1980 Elazığ

Yılmaz Peköz 1981 Kırıkkale

Oruç Korkmaz 1981 Kars

Hasan Temizsoy 1981

Hasan Dorul 1981 Gölcük

Hasan Kılıç January 1981 Tunceli

Cemil Kırbayır 5  january 1981

İlyaz Güleç 6  January 1981 İstanbul

Ayhan Alan 8  January 1981 Tarsus

Ahmet Uzun 16  January 1981 Rize

Adil Ali Yılmaz 20  January 1981 Ankara

Ahmet Demir February 1981 Diyarbakır

Osman Karaduman February 1981 Adana

Mehmet Ali Erbay 10  February 1981 Adıyaman

Sinan Karacalı 11  February 1981 Adana

İbrahim Alpdoğan 11  February 1981 Maraş

Ömer Aydoğmuş 12  February 1981 İzmir

Mehmet Ali Kılıç 12  February 1981 Ankara

Hulusi Dalak 13  February 1981 Gaziantep

Bedrettin Sınak 13  February 1981 Adana

Ünsal Beydoğan 25  February 1981 İstanbul

Ali Küçük March 1981

Osman Taştekin 5  March 1981 Kayseri

Celal Kıpırdamaz 10  March 1981 Uşak

Halil Uluğ 16  March 1981 Adıyaman

Abdullah Paksoylu 16  March 1981 Adıyaman

İbrahim Çelik 17  March 1981

S. Satılmış Dokuyucu 18  March 1981 Ankara

Hasan Gazoğlu 30  March 1981 İstanbul

Veysel Yıldız 1  April 1981 Malatya

Bozan Çimen 2  April 1981

Nurettin Yedigöl 12  April 1981 İstanbul

Cumali Ay 14  April 1981 İstanbul

Ahmet Sakin 21  April 1981 Ordu

Vakkas Devamlı 28  April 1981 Maraş

Mustafa Işık 1  May 1981 İstanbul

H. Hüseyin Damar 2  May 1981 İstanbul

Özalp Öner 4  April 1981 İstanbul

Necip Kutlu 6  May 1981 Konya

Ali Ekber Yürek 25  May 1981

Ahmet Kılıç 31  May 1981

Hasan Akar June 1981 Bozova

Ensar Karahan June 1981 Şavşat

Yusuf Bağ July 1981 Gaziantep

Bedri Bilge 20  July 1981 Artvin

Yakup Göktaş 27  July 1981 İstanbul

Süleyman Cihan 30  July 1981 İstanbul

Yakup Bıyık 6  August 1981 İstanbul

Bayram Kocabaş 21  August 1981 Ankara

Fehmi Özaslan 21  August 1981 Maraş

Selahattin Satic 28  August 1981 Kırkağ

Mehmet Yıldız 13  September 1981 Ankara

Metin Sarpbulut October 1981 Ankara

Hasan Alemoğlu 4  October 1981 Ankara

Behzat Firik 10  October 1981 Tunceli

Mehmet Ceren 20  october 1981 Maraş

Ataman İnce 26  october 1981 İstanbul

Mehmet Karataş November 1981 Erzurum

Cengiz Aksakal 12  November 1981 Şavşat

İsmail Esen 15  november 1981 Bursa

Günay Balcı 19  November 1981 İstanbul

Mustafa Şahin 24  December 1981 Elazığ

Ali Kamış 1982 Konya

Selahattin Kurutur 1982 Diyarbakır

Cennet Deşirmenci 22  May 1982 Gaziantep

Cemalettin Yalçın 1982 İstanbul

Fehamettin Şeref 1982 Şavşat

Benli Coşkun 1982 Nizip

Halil Çınar 1982 Diyarbakır

Kenan Kılıç 1982 Diyarbakır

Süleyman Şeker February 1982 Bozova

Şevket Sevseren February 1982 Adana

Abdurrahim Aksoy 9  February 1982 Samsun

Önder Demirok 22  February 1982 Diyarbakır

Cemal Kılıç 23  February 1982 Diyarbakır

Mustafa Tunç 9  July 1982 Haydarpaşa

Hüseyin Çolak 10  August 1982 Ankara

Yusuf Ali Özbey 27  August 1982 Besni

Adnan Zincirkıran September 1982 Bozova

Kenan Küçük Eylül 1982 Ankara

Ines Rumph 23  September 1982 Bursa

Coşkun Altun November 1982 İstanbul

İsmail Hakkı Hocaoğlu 11  November 1982 İstanbul

Mustafa Asım Hayrullahoğlu 16  November 1982 İstanbul

Süleyman Aslan 20  November 1982 Tokat

Hüseyin Sertkaya 21  November 1982 Bingöl

Feyzullah Bingöl 25  November 1982 Muş

İhsan Çetintaş 1983 Erzurum

Mutlu Çetin Ocak 1983 Manisa

Zekeriya Erdoğan 24  February 1983 Adana

İsmail Kıran 31  January 1983 Diyarbakır

Mazlum Güder 4  March 1983 Elazığ

Niyazi Gündoğdu 15  March 1983 Sivas

Ali Güven 28  July 1983 İzmir

Hüsnü Seyhan 23  September 1983 İzmir

Hasan Akbaba October 1983 Ankara

İsmail Kıran November 1983 Diyarbakır

İbrahim Ulağ 3  November 1983 Diyarbakır

Enver Şahan 13  November 1983 Gaziantep

İsmail Cüneyt 24  Decenber 1983 İstanbul

Cemal Özdemir 1983

Ali Uygur Tarsus

Hasan Hakkı Erdoğan 1984 İstanbul

In 12 September era, human rights violations were not limited to torture. Right to life was hanging on thin thread. Every soldier, police, judge, and other officers who carried out orders of the Junta committed human rights violations. Thousands of workers were laid off. Special directives were sent to companies instructing them not hire people of Dersim region. People were denied of their passport. Hundreds of the academic staff were sacked. Religious education became compulsory, laying aside the freedom of belief. Women came under suffocating oppression. 12 September has created an obedient and voiceless community.

During September 12, human life was up to a word out of Junta members’ lips. Junta chiefs signed capital punishment sentences without any second thought. Despite being underage, Erdal Eren was executed at age 17 – his age was raised by a judge verdict to qualify him for capital punishment. Execution of revolutionaries was quickly approved. None of the capital punishment verdicts were overturned by the Supreme Court.

List of people who were executed by the September 12 Junta:

NECDET ADALI

Arrested in July 1977.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on October of 1979.

Hanged on 8 October 1980 in Ankara.

He was 22 years old.

SERDAR SOYERGİN

Arrested on 14 September 1980 in Adana.

Within 5 days following his arrest, sentenced to death.

Hanged 40 days later on 25 October 1980 in Adana.

He was 20 years old.

ERDAL EREN

Arrested on 2 February 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 19 March 1980.

Hanged on 14 December 1980 in Ankara.

He was 17 years old.

VEYSEL GÜNEY

Arrested on 28 1980 in Gaziantep.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20 February 1981.

Hanged on 11 June 1981 in Gaziantep.

He was 23 years old. His corpse was not returned to his family. His grave is unknown.

AHMET SANER

Arrested on 16 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 October 1980.

Hanged on 26 June 1981 in İstanbul.

He was 22 years old.

KADİR TANDOĞAN

Arrested on 16 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 October 1980.

Hanged on 26 June 1981 in İstanbul.

He was 23 years old.

MUSTAFA ÖZENÇ

Arrested on 7 January 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 March 1981.

Hanged on 21 August 1981 in Adana.

He was 22 years old.

İBRAHİM ETHEM COŞKUN

Arrested on 29  April 1980 in İzmir.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1  May 1981.

Hanged on 13  March   1982 in İzmir.

He was 23 years old.

NECATİ VARDAR

Arrested on 30  April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1  May 1981.

Hanged on 13  March 1982 in İzmir.

He was 22 years old.

SEYİT KONUK

Arrested on 29  April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1  May 1981.

Hanged on 13 March  1982 in İzmir.

He was 26 years old.

ALİ AKTAŞ

Arrested on 9  June 1980 in İskenderun.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13  May 1981.

Hanged on 23  January 1983, on his birthday, in Adana.

He was 27 years old.

ÖMER YAZGAN

Arrested on 17  January 1981in Akyazı, Sakarya. Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20  April 1981. Hanged on 30  January 1983 in İzmit. He was 23 years old.

RAMAZAN YUKARIGÖZ

Arrested on 17  January 1981 in Akyazı, Sakarya.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20  April 1981.

Hanged on 30  January 1983 in İzmit.

He was 23 years old.

MEHMET KAMBUR

Arrested on 17  January 1981 in Akyazı, Sakarya.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20  April 1981.

Hanged on 30  January 1983 in İzmit.

He was 28 years old.

İLYAS HAS

Arrested on 28  December 1980 in İzmir.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 18  January 1982.

Hanged on 7  October 1984 in Buca.

He was 29 years old.

HIDIR ASLAN

Arrested on February 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 29  July 1981.

Hanged on 25  October 1984 in Burdur. He was 26 years old.

12 September Fascist Junta’s Racist Practise on the Kurdish Nationality

Oppression on the Kurdish nation has been going on for decades. The Kurdish nation has been a victim of countless massacres by the fascist dictatorship. Kurdish language and culture have been banned. Admitting that a Kurdish nation exists has been considered as a crime. Throughout the years, Kurdish leaders have been persecuted, tried, exiled, and executed. With the September 12 Military Fascist Junta, oppression upon Kurds further intensified. Under the pretext of “hunt for secessionists” and “military operation,” brutality and suppression became a daily reality for the Kurdish people. With September 12, Kurdish geography turned into an open prison. Each village became a military basis and Kurdish peasants and toilers were tortured on  a regular basis. With the coming of Junta, one third of the 750-thousand personal strong Turkish army was deployed to the Kurdish area. Just in Dersim, 55.000 troupes were deployed. In 1983, the entire 2^nd Army Command was sent to Malatya carrying out over ten large scale military manoeuvres between 1980 -1987.  In 1982 manoeuvre, titled ‘Republic is a virtue’, so-called enemy soldiers were dressed in traditional Kurdish costumes during simulated military operations. Operations by special units and army troops became part of the daily life throughout Kurdistan. Thousands of acres of forest were burnt with the excuse of cleaning out bandits, causing enormous environmental damage in Kurdistan.

The Junta categorized Kurds as ‘friends of the state’ and ‘enemy of the state’. Lists of names made according this categorization were hung on army station walls so that newly stationed personal could implement instructions accordingly. Furthermore, all Kurdish tribes were tagged according to political views. Of these, the ones deemed as ‘friends of the state’ were supplied with weapons, and later on a number of them were turned into villages guards.

With the coming of Junta and under the Constitution that it adopted, which is still the current Constitution as of 2010, a number of special regulations and laws that specifically apply to Kurds were passed. Accordingly the Kurdish language was banned. Kurds were forbidden to speak their own language, to organize meetings, and to publish any written, visual, or audio material in Kurdish. Kurds were prohibited to form any association, club, union, or a political party – doing so was officially declared as a crime of cessation, with heavy prison terms as a consequence. Kurdish education and all courses were banned. The constitution decreed that no other language than Turkish could be used as a language of education in any educational institution. It was officially declared a crime for a person to identify him/herself as a Kurd.

With the September 12, Kurdish names were banned.  No new born baby could be given a Kurdish name. No one could his or her existing name for a Kurdish one.  It was furthermore banned to use Kurdish in any business conduct or in any celebration of national days, festivals and holidays.

It was also illegal to conduct any scientific research or publish its results in Kurdish. The aim was to systematically leave Kurdish out of any scientific, artistic, cultural, literary and otherwise development.

The Military Fascist Junta of September 12 was another attempt to impose Kemalist official ideology onto every cell of the society. All educational, cultural, social, and political structures were rearranged according to Kemalist ideology. Its Turkish racism was based on the denial of existence of any other nation in Turkey – with specifically denial of Kurdish nation’s existence.

During the post September 12 Military Coup era, the Kurdish national resistance made a significant stride forward by launching armed struggle in Kurdistan in 1984. With the participation of tens of thousands of youth, men, women, and elders, the Kurdish national resistance movement gained enormous achievements. If today the existence of Kurdish nation in Turkey is an undeniable fact, it is established through great struggles of this resistance movement. Similarly, if in recent years certain strict regulation and laws are changed; it is not because of any democratization within the Turkish regime but thanks to the struggle by the Kurdish national movement. However, the Turkish ruling classes never have an easy time digesting any progress made in Kurdish national issue. Despite certain changes in law, Kurdish press and cultural activities are still routinely suppressed. There are still hundreds of people who have to defend themselves before the court due to the indictments that they performed propaganda activities in Kurdish. Giving new-borns Kurdish names is still a reason of persecution and interrogation. Legal Kurdish political parties are still being shut down on made-up grounds.

The September 12 Military Fascist Junta: Suppression and Prohibitions over Unions and Democratic Organisations

Immediately after over taking the power, the September 12 Military Fascist Junta launched attacked on all democratic organizations and institutions and restructured them according to wishes of bosses. Unions received its share of attacks, as well. Except the Turk- Is union, all other union and democratic organisation were banned, their assets were seized, and their leaders were tried by military courts, writing out hundreds of years of prison sentences. All collective agreements were annulled and strikes forcibly stopped.

Demands of capitalists were implemented without delay. Existing regulations regarding weekend holidays, perks and severance pays were cancelled. New regulations favoured bosses demands. Also according to new laws, May Day no longer could be celebrated.

Among unions, the Junta especially targeted the DISK (Confederation of Revolutionary Worker Unions). 2000 of DISK’s officials and members were arrested, where many of them were interrogated for over 100 days. On 26.06.1981, the military prosecution asked for death penalty for 54 officials, whose indictments were handed to them 5 months later. DISK trial went on until 1986, where 1477 DISK officials and members faced the military court. Consequently, DISK and 28 affiliated unions were shut down.

The Junta also targeted TÖB-DER (All Teachers’ Unity and Solidarity Association), an organization founded by progressive and revolutionary teachers. Following the arrival of Junta regime, TÖB-DER too was shut down.

TÖB-DER was a democratic organization that was founded after the 1971 military coup. Its parent organization was TÖS (Teachers Union of Turkey), which had been shut down by the 1971 Junta. From its foundation and on, TÖB-DER managed to organize a majority of teachers throughout Turkey. By the time it was shut down, it had more than 200 thousand members in 670 chapters. As a teachers’ association it became a bastion against regressive education policies.   It created the fight area against to obscurantism of education with 200 thousands members and 670 bureaus. And TÖB-DER endeavoured to educate in mother tongue for Kurdish nation.

In 12 September 1980 like other many democratic organisations TÖB-DER’s activities were forbidden. TÖB-DER leaders and members were put in jail and were tortured. Junta members terminated 20 thousands teachers’ employment. In 22 of May 1981 during TÖB-DER trial prosecuting attorney has accused to TÖB-DER in that way: ‘To gain ascendancy over a social class, to found and lead an organisation to overthrow the economic assets and social bases in the system, to make communism and disjunctive propaganda towards this aim and to balk unions law’ and continued ‘Also accused people were declared the inhabiting in east and southeast of Turkey is formed as a different nation and they say the authorities executed chauvinist and assimilative education system towards this public who has different language and culture. And the union declared that it was forbidden to be educated in mother tongue language for this local public and so destructive and separatist propaganda was practised by them. The union firstly aimed to adopt this vision by people as in reason printed bulletin and publication. In order to reach this aim they who are leaders committed an act of misconduct the Union and with hiding real aims they began to act on illegally.’ And finished his words like that. At the end of trial TÖB-DER leaders and members were punished with tens of years.

The Politics of 12 September Military Fascist Junta against to Alevis; Rejection, Oppression and Assimilation

There are millions of people in Turkey who adhere to the Alevi minority. The Alevite’s were always the target of the Turkish state. The Turkish state waged special policies in order to force the Alevite’s to convert to the Sunnite belief. Following long and hard periods of struggle, the Alevites began obtaining some rights in terms of practicing their own believes by midst of 1995. Previously, practice of Alevite spiritual and cultural practices were strictly prohibited by the state. The Alevites were forced to hold their prayers illegally. Trained by government’s religious education institutions, imams, official sunni clerics, constantly propagated that the animals sacrificed by the Alevit’s are illegitimate and that it is a sin to shake hands of Alevites and that one that kills an Alevite will go to heaven. As a consequence of this anti-propaganda, mass killings in Maraş, Çorum and Sivas were provoked. Those massacres were initiated and carried out by state-supported civil fascist organizations and groups.  The junta gave special effort to force Alevites to convert to Sunni sect. Hundreds of mosques were built in Alevite villages. The Alevite dervishes were forced to convert and go to the mosque.

12 September Military Fascist Junta appointed some retired generals to administrate cities after the coup. One of them was appointed to Dersim. His name was Kenan Güven. He followed a merciless and systematic policies of terror against the Alevites in Dersim, a province in Turkey-Kurdistan. One of his first actions was to gather the important figures of the region. In the meeting he openly threatened them with outmost cruelty, stating: “In this province religion has always been weak. This place brings to mind only rebellion and uprisings. It is my duty to Islamize those that have abandoned  the religion.” Following the meeting, he had 3 mosques built at once in the centre of this small city. Similarly, the Junta built many mosques in villages of Malatya, Corum, Tokat, Erzincan and so on. These were all cities with large Alevite communities. Alevite’s that refused to go to mosques were tortured.

In every corner of the country hundreds of Alevite children were sent to Imam Hatip High Schools to convert to the Sunni belief. The state suppressed the families whose children escaped from those schools. There are many children who were sent abroad because of this situation. The Junta denied all other religious groups and forced everyone to become Sunni through compolsory Islamic religion classs at schools.

The Education During 12 September Military Fascist Junta

The September 12 Military Fascist Junta made fundamental changes in education. Junta reconstructed the education system upon the Turk – Islam synthesis.  All democratic organisations such as TÖB-DER  were shut down. The retired generals were appointed to the Ministry of the National Education and Sport and all organizations connected to it. A strict assimilation policy was implemented towards Kurds in the education field and accelerated the policies of Turkification. All science, history, geography, culture and literature, and the history of art were established on the basis of Turkish chauvinist thesis.

During this period, Junta emphasized religious education and rapidly increased the number of religious schools. “Between 1951 and 1952 there were 7 Imam Hatip Schools and now the numbers of these schools increased to 717 (TR National Ministry for Youth education and sport). Additionally, 3702 official and 20 thousands unofficial Koran classes are put in operation. 130 874 people are continuing to official Koran classes and hundreds of people continue the unofficial courses. There are 60 161 Mosques equivalent to the 58 455 schools in Turkey. (Milliyet Newspaper, 4 June 1987).

In the 24^th article of the main constitution of 1984 prepared by the fascist junta, the clause of ‘preferential religious education’ was amended saying that “religious education is obligatory and will be practiced in primary and middle school under the control and observation of the state”.

Subsequently, all the children of other minorities and nations were compelled to learn Sunni – Islam religion.

1982 Constitution and 1983 Elections

Turkey is still governed by the September 12th Constitution. So far no administration has ever showed the courage to completely change this Constitution. In fact, political parties that took part in cabinets since the Coup have been representatives of capital groups and the existing Constitution serves to their interest. Consequently, they complacently accept and live with the Junta’s constitution. On the other hand, in the 15 previous attempts 80 articles of the current constitution were modified. However, every one of these modifications took place in an effort to strengthen state’s position vis-à-vis people. In other words, none of the modification made any essential change in the constitution. They were rather attempts to deceive people that the constitution was being made more democratic. The latest attempt by AKP, in the form of presenting a package of changes to the constitution, is a similar deception tactic. The core of changes recommended by AKP has to do with the maintenance of crucial elements of the judicial authorities. The proposed changes do not touch some of the fundamentally problematic elements of the constitution, such its anti-human rights articles, prohibitions over nations and minorities, its perspective that requires ‘Turkishness’ as primary principal, or the prohibitions against the formation of parties, associations or their right to organize.

The spirit of the September 12 constitution was build over the rejection of universal values.  Junta members created an advisory council, members of which were appointed by the very Junta itself. In order to take this under legal guarantee, a law was passed on June 29^th 1981, which decreed that the last decision regarding approval of the draft constitution will be of Junta’s. The council consisted of 160 members, 40 of which were to be assigned directly by the Junta members and the remaining 120 were to be assigned through nominations by provincial governors. However, these nominations too were to go through a final process of approval by the Junta Members. The duty of the Advisory Council did not go beyond the function to accomplish the orthographic proceedings. The Advisory Council, the Constitution Commission and its authorities and every single detail were designated by the junta members. It was prohibited to act outside the designated rules. Yalcin Dogan explains the situation as follows: “In a time when the Advisory Council was in the preparations for the constitution, the council members discussed amongst them the political situation of the country and what posture the political parties will show after the approvement of the constitution, with the order of the junta members they pulled all Advisory Council members under interrogation. During that time, the Advisory Council who had the task to compose a text with the most concentrated rules of politics like the constitution of Turkey, did not have the right and liberties to ‘do politics.”

There was not any alternative to refuse the Constitution. Junta members made a special policy to force the people to say ‘yes’ to the constitution. Threat and blackmail were the main philosophy of these policies. In his book, ‘Waking Up With Tank Noise’, Hasan Cemal explains this in these words: ‘The chief of the Junta Kenan Evren was saying to the press members; “If the Constitution is not accepted, we will say that public does not want democracy, they want us and we will stay.”

Before the referendum Junta members prohibited any anti-propaganda activities about the constitution. Many people who opposed the referendum were punished. White ballot meant ‘yes’ and blue ballot meant ‘no’ and it was forbidden to use blue in the press. Thus, the Junta’s Constitution was approved at the referendum by 92 % of the votes and subsequently the head of Junta, Kenan Evren, was elected as president of the Republic. In order to guarantee their protection before an eventual court, the Junta members passed a temporary law, Article 15, which exempted the Junta members until the end of their lives from being tried for any of their activities during the reign of the Junta. It must be noted, in a situation where no real alternative was left to compete and considering all suppression and coercion methods that the Junta implemented, this was people’s way of saying “no” to the Junta, as within circumstances they preferred to see a civil administration. Furthermore, despite all the oppression there was a ballot of 4 million refusals.

Following the elections, a democratic atmosphere was far from being restored. Junta members saw to it that founding members of new political members be approved by the State Security Council.

Women and 12 September

The MFJ of September 12 brought an intense atmosphere of terror over woman, as well. The members of the Junta attacked and suppressed woman without recognition of any tradition, social or family structure or jurisdiction value. As a result of the fascist terror that women had to suffer during the junta, they went through severe traumas. In order to breakdown revolutionary organizations, to capture cadres and supporters, mothers and wives of revolutionaries were tortured and imprisoned.  The torture and exploitation against the Kurdish women in Turkey-Kurdistan has been scratched into the minds of society that it may be impossible to ever recover from. Arife Kaynar, who was subjected to persecutions by the junta after a warrant against her husband, explains her experience; “After the Junta overtook the power, I was forced to leave my profession as a teacher after 14 years because my husband was wanted as a ‘political criminal’. I was left back with a 7 month old baby and my 10 years old son and came face to face with hunger. After a certain period I was forced to leave my baby by my family.  We didn’t have the options to provide the daily needs of nursing cost and in order to survive we had to stay every day at another house. My family was falling apart. One by one members of my larger family were brought to the police station for interrogation. Their houses were often raided. Despite her age, my 70 year-old mother and 60 year-old father-in-law encountered unspeakable insults. They threatened us with taking my baby hostage. My father’s house was kept under surveillance with the intention of capturing me when I went to breastfeed my child.” (From the book ’12 Eylül Yargılanıyor’, pg. 173)

Thousands of women were subjected to the same torture and repression. Many women, despite not having any involvement with political organisations, were tortured to reveal the whereabouts of their husbands. They were tortured and raped.

During the coup, revolutionary women paid heavily for their political involvement. The torture cells of prisons, police stations and military barracks were filled with women who were tortured for their beliefs. They were questioned for ninety days and within this period all sorts of tortures were inflicted upon them, including sexual abuse. They were stripped naked, sexually assaulted, given electric shocks and raped, some in front of their husbands. Those who were pregnant at the time of their arrest were not spared. Some of the pregnant women had miscarriages under torture and some gave birth in prisons. The fascist regime didn’t just fail to provide the most basic needs for child care but also prevented them from receiving medical care. Some of these women without having the chance to bond with their babies were forced to give them into the care of their relatives. As a result of refusal to comply with the demeaning regimes of prisons they were subjected to years of brutal practices. Their rights to legal defence were denied. For years they were denied books, newspapers and magazines. Their rights to visitors and communication with the outside were denied. The dormitories they stayed in were searched by male soldiers and nothing was left unturned. Before and after September 12th the bourgeois press constantly attacked women. Women who were arrested were labelled as ‘female militants’ by the bourgeois media bent on humiliating women at every opportunity.

After September 12^th, Kurdish women were also subjected to terrible attacks. Kurdish women like their Turkish counterparts suffered terribly but they were also attacked for being Kurdish. On top of all the torture they suffered they were also forced into ‘educational’ programs wholly aimed at demeaning them because of their identity and to subject them to assimilation.

Kurdish villages were turned into prisons. Kurdish women were at the forefront of those targets for aiding and abetting guerrillas. People were rounded up and tortured in village squares. Women were threatened with being stripped naked and were battered in front of their relatives.

Settle up with the September 12th Military Fascist Junta

The September 12 MFJ took place thirty years ago. Five generals, with the support of their imperialist “big brothers”, took control thirty years ago and yet despite the time that has passed, the victims of the junta still seek justice. They want those who led and participated in the junta to be tried and punished. While countries like Greece and Chile confronted their junta, Turkey is the only country that has not tried the perpetrators of the junta.

So why isn’t this happening in Turkey? Why are the generals who are still alive still able to go walking around ‘FREE’? Why aren’t they tried, why aren’t people outraged when Evren declares on television “When signing the executions my hands didn’t tremble”? The answer to these questions is related to social awareness and sensitivity. In countries like Turkey common memory is weak. The masses that are under the influence of religion view these experiences as fate and their power to do anything as insufficient. In such countries religion has come upon society like black clouds. Since justice is found in the hereafter there’s no point in pursuing it in this world. Such sentiments weaken sensitivity to issues that need collective action. Associations carrying out the democratic struggle are few and far between. If we leave out IHD (Human Rights Association) and a couple of other associations, it is not possible to talk of a strong social civilian movement. The demand for those responsible for 12 September to be tried will only be possible with strong social civil movements. The prosecution of the junta in countries such as Greece and Chile was the result of strong mass movement that demanded the prosecution. Unfortunately Turkey lacks such social movements and the demand so far has been voiced by only a handful of groups and this has yielded no results. The reluctance of the governments that have come to power since are reluctant to prosecute, which makes it very difficult to bring the generals to account.

The terror didn’t just take place during and the immediate period after the coup but also during Tansu Ciller’s government and the DSP-ANAP-MHP coalition. That is why it is crucial to view these governments as the products of September 12 and the atrocities committed by them are as worse. Until the year 2000 about five million Kurds were banished from their villages and the remains of hundreds of people that disappeared under detention still have not been located. It is still unknown how many people were thrown into acid pits.

It is the duty of everyone to ask for this dark period to be accounted for. The revolutionary movement, after the onslaught of the junta, took a long time to recover. After losing many of its members and supporters the revolutionary movement has not yet managed to properly confront September 12 MFJ. The significant shift to the right in the population and the loss of the impulse to question has made it difficult to confront the junta. Questioning the coup has been squeezed into the anniversary day. Of course it is also important to put the members of the junta on trial.  It is important to show that this junta is not forgotten but this is not enough. Also is it not enough to only limit this to the basis of putting five generals on trial, it would be symbolic but not enough.

The businessmen who supported them, the media, other lower ranking soldiers and bureaucrats, the prosecutors who disregarded the law completely, the judges, those that have the order to raise the age of the young revolutionary Erdal Eren so that he could be hanged and those who carried out the execution, the police who perpetrated torture, those who executed without trial, those who drenched Turkey- Kurdistan in blood, those who destroyed forests and crops, those who forced the evacuation of thousands of villages, the newspaper columnists that supported the coup, those who wilfully took part in the first government set up by the junta, Turgut Ozal (even if he is dead) who was a minister and an advisor, those who prepared the constitution and those who condoned the executions in parliament are as guilty as the five generals who led the coup. They should all be made to answer for their deeds. To ask any government to do this is an optimism and it has failed to materialise and will do so under all future government. Confronting 12 September means the confronting of the state and that could only be done when the political power is in the hands of the revolutionary movement.

We condemn the 12 September Military Fascist Junta in Turkey on the 30^th anniversary of the coup!

We commemorate YILMAZ GÜNEY on the 26^th anniversary of his death!

The background and Consequences of the September 12th Military Fascist Junta on the 30^th Anniversary .

Generals of the Coup:

Kenan Evren, Nurettin Ersin, Tahsin, Sakaya, Sedat Celasun, Nejat Tümer

30 years ago the Military Fascist Junta (MFJ) took power in Turkey on 12 September, 1980.  The coup took its place in the history as the bloodiest, surpassing former coups of 27 May 1960 and of 12 March 1971 in brutality.  The 12 September MFJ terrorized people of Turkey for years. Its widespread and systematic torture policy, oppression, and consecutively executed death penalties are still topics of heated discussions.  As soon as the MFJ installed itself in the power, it dissolved the Demirel cabinet, abolished the parliament, shut down all political parties and arrested all their executive members, revoked all laws that were in force at the time, and put a stop to all on-going strikes.  The Confederation of Revolutionary Worker’s Union (DISK) was shut down and its entire assets were seized by the Junta. Leaders of DISK were arrested and brought 54 trade unionist to the court, demanding death penalty. All democratic mass organizations were shut down. Executive committee members of TÖBDER and Union of Writer, among others, were arrested and brought before the court.  Press and broadcasting were put under the direct control of Junta.  All writers, scientists, and education personnel that were deemed as progressive were subjected to prosecution as well as persecution.  Thousands of workers were laid off.  An unprecedented terror campaign was launched against the Kurdish nation.  Kurdish villages were burnt. Villagers were exiled and tortured.

Using extreme violence, the Junta also crushed the revolutionary movement. Although the revolutionary movement had forecast the coming of MFJ beforehand, they could not make a successful plan to fight back against the Junta.

Leaders, cadres, members and supporters of revolutionary movement were arrested.  17 revolutionaries were hanged by the Junta between 1980 and 1984.  Dozens of them were murdered under torture.  Every single prison turned into a torture chamber.  Many revolutionary organizations abolished themselves and a significant number of them softened their lines to find ways to survive within the system.  Some of them became Kemalist and got influenced by Turkish Nationalism. Revolutionary organizations with firmer stance on their lines could come to themselves only by the 1990s.

Below is a rough list of outcomes of the MFJ, stayed in power for 9 consecutive years:

• 650.000 people were arrested.

• 1.683.000 people were registered to police files.

• 210.000 court cases were filed, where 230.000 people were prosecuted.

• 7000 people were brought to court with capital punishment requests.

• 517 people were given death penalty.

• 50 of them were hanged.

• Files of 259 people who received death sentences sent to the parliament.

• 71.000 people were brought before the court under the articles 141, 142 and 163 of the penal code of the Republic of Turkey.

• 98.404 people, accused of being members of illegal organization members, were put into trial.

• 388.000 people were denied a passport.

• 30.000 people were fired because of being a threat to national security.

• 14.000 people lost their citizenship.

• 30.000 people fled Turkey and sought asylum as a political refugee.

• 300 people died suspiciously.

• 171 people died under torture (only the official documented cases).

• 937 movies were banned as a threat to national security.

• Activities of 23.677 associations were stopped.

• 3.854 teachers, 120 university lecturers and 47 judges were laid off.

• 4000 years of prison sentences were asked for 400 journalists.

• Journalists received 3.315 years and 6 months of prison sentences.

• 31 journalists were put in jail.

• 300 journalists were assaulted.

• 3 journalist were murdered by gun.

• Newspapers could not get published for 300 days.

• 303 court cases opened against 13 mainstream newspapers.

• 39 ton newspaper and journal were destroyed.

• 299 people lost their lives in prison.

• 144 of them died suspiciously.

• 14 people died in Hunger Strike.

• 16 people were shot down while “running away.”

• 95 people died during “encounter.”

• 73 people died “a normal death” according to official reports.

• Death of 43 people were reported as a suicide.

Grounds for the 12 September Military Fascist Junta

The Military Fascist Junta of 12 September came to power to crush the revolutionary opposition. By 1980, revolutionary movement had become quite powerful. It was putting a lot pressure on the government. It was putting up a considerable resistance against civil fascists.  Even the ever expanding Martial Law, which was ever expanded after the Marash massacre, did not offer a steady solution for the ruling classes.  Worker strikes were increasingly more frequent and bigger. Government had to take a step back after workers started armed resistance due to employment of civil fascists at TARİŞ.  Following the January 24 Decisions, government encountered even further testing days as strikes spread out in many cities across the country and shopkeepers refused to open their stores in reaction to the Decisions.

The ruling classes were going through a crisis of inability to govern. Parliament was no-longer functional. Despite the 100^th round of election, a president of republic could not be elected. The Justice Party, Republican People’s Party, National Salvation Party, and Nationalist Movement Party were insisting to get their nomination to be elected and could not agree on one nominated person.  Each political party was maintaining a number of high ranking bureaucratic positions, which were then utilized to gain an upper hand in the skirmish. The situation was becoming intolerable for the comprador bosses. Under instruction and order of his bosses, IMF and imperialist Monopolies, Demirel’s cabinet came up with new economic decisions as known the January 24 Decisions, which covered extensive economic measures. Besides focusing on foreign trade relations, the economic packet included restrictions on rights of workers, civil servants, and toiling masses, such as ending strikes, disabling workers union, and rearrangement of labour agreements and holidays.

The implementation of Decisions, however, was far from smooth and fast.  Economy was clogged. People were queuing for everything. Inflation was still very high. The situation was causing serious instability in Turkey, a crucial member of NATO’s southern wing. Turkey’s political and economic crisis was considered instability for the USA’s plans in the Middle East plans. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran and the occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet social imperialists within the same year, stabilization of Turkey gained further importance for the US politics in the region. The US knew well that conditions were suitable for a military coup in Turkey.  Thus on December 27, 1979, a warning letter was sent to President Fahri Koruturk by Chief of Army General Kenan Evren, Commender of Land Forces General Nurettin Ersin, Commender of Marine Forces vice Admiral Bülent Ulusu, Commender of Air Forces General Tahsin Şahinkaya and Commender of Gendarme General Sedat Celasun. Laying ground for a military coup, the letter stated: “Turkish army forces insistently require that in the face of today’s crucial issues of our country, by prioritizing our national interests, political parties at once take collaborative measures, in accordance with the principals of our Constitution and with assistance of other Constitutional institutions, against terror movements which intend to bring down the state”. On January 01, 1980, Kenan Evren had a meeting with Commander of Forces at Cankaya Palace, where the plans for the 12 September 1980 Military Coup were drawn.  The first statement of coup was announced to country on TV and radio by the leader of coup, Kenan Evren. On the same day, one officer informed then US President, Jimmy Carter stating that ‘our kids took care of the job.’

12 September Military Fascist Coup’s Policy to Achieve Complete Surrender in Prisons and the Resistance of Prisoners

The 12 September Military Fascist Coup (MFC) spared a considerable amount of attention to prisons. They thought that they could rehabilitate revolutionary and patriotic prisoners in prisons.  Specific implementations were developed to this end.  CIA’s experiments were one by one put into practice in Turkey’s prisons.  Against those who dared to resist, all forms of violent methods were used to the full extend. The MFJ was estimating that they can easily intimidate revolutionaries in jail.  However, they faced rather unexpected reaction to this policy, revolutionary and patriotic political prisoners resisted heroically against all practices of MFC.  In the face of this resistance, MFC increased violence and took over all management of jails in Turkey and Turkey’s Kurdistan. Thus the military forces become the only responsible institution for management of prisons. The following are the main enforcements practiced in prisons during MFC’s period:

• Force all prisoners to address all soldiers and military officers as ‘Sir’

• Force to sing Turkish National Anthem

• Force all prisoners to attend Kemalist education classes

• Force all prisoners to pray before eating

• Force to take religious education

• Force to go to bed at certain times that are determined by the management of prison and force to do exercise

• Force to walk in a single line

• Force to have a hair cut like soldiers

• Forbid to speak any other language than Turkish during family visits

Under the junta regime Kurdish prisoners were subjected to a strict policy of Turkification.  Diyarbakir prison was selected especially for the implementation of this policy and jailed Kurdish patriots were concentrated here. Speaking in Kurdish was banned not only for Kurdish prisoners but also for their visitors, regardless of whether prisoners and visiting family members knew any Turkish or not – forced default language was Turkish. Prisoners who were accused of speaking Kurdish with their visitors were tortured afterward and thrown into isolation cells as a penalty. No publication was allowed enter prison facilities.  Indictments were handed months later. At court hearings, prisoners were prohibited to present their political defences.  Prisoners were humiliated by many demeaning practices such as putting them into septic tanks.  Many prisoners died due to illnesses. There was a special kind of humiliation put in practice for Armenian prisoners, where they were checked to see whether they were circumcised or not.  All Armenians were labelled and registered in a different file and were punished with penalties specific to them.

Facing all savagery and cruelties of Diyarbakir Prison, there was also resistance. Despite all these brutalities, resistance of revolutionaries and Kurdish patriotic prisoners and their political defences presented at courts were a perplexing phenomenon for the Junta. The turning point came when Mazlum Dogan, a Kurdish patriot and four of his comrades set fire on their own bodies as a self-sacrificing action against the brutalities of the coup.  Subsequently, the junta was brought to his knees with death fast action at Diyarbakir prison.

A former prisoner who spent long years in Diyarbakir Prison recounts the following: “When they could not crush the resistance, Captain Esat Oktay Yildiran was assigned on temporary basis. Some years later we found out that he was educated in the US especially for such assignments. There was also Kemal Yamak. Prior to the Coup, he was assigned as the commander of 7th Corps. In short, a special team was formed with the specific duty to deal with prisoners.  They all were dressed like commandos.  They were marching at 4^th floor as if they had just occupied an enemy territory in an effort to create a certain atmosphere, giving off signals that torture is to reach new dimensions. Esat Oktay used to shout: “Don’t confuse me with anyone else. Even flies cannot fly around here without my permission. You’ll either have to do exactly as I say or die.”  Death fast and other forms of resistance were still going on.  15-20 people were living together in wards.  We used call them “King’s Palace”.  We all got infested with lice. One night they poured water with detergent on us. We were physically getting weaker but our determination was still high. We were resisting torture. The resistance was high in spirit. We were like religious disciples, fixed on our faith. We received our accusations but we did not get chance to work on them.  We were not in a situation to defend ourselves before court. We were all focused on developing resistance against torture. We were not thinking about our representation at the court.  We were taken to court during Death fast, toward the end of April.  One early morning we were woken up with a terrifying scene at the corridor.  It’s hard to describe with words. For 4 hours constantly we were beaten by the police while handcuffed.  We could not look around.  They were trying to put us all in a one small van but it was impossible. They put a chain between our arms and shoved us into vans while tied to each other. The scene brought Armenians before my eyes, when they were taken away for massacre.  When we sat at the court our hands were on our knees and our eyes were fixed on the writing on the wall that says: “Justice is the foundation of the property.” It was a court case with 2000 people. We did not let them to check our identification. We talked about Death fast and torture.  Court said that these were not their concern, military was responsible with this area.  We were taken back from court to prison and again we were tortured until locked into cell. When they saw that nothing makes us stop our resistance they decided to negotiate. Hayri and Kemal represented prisoners in negotiations. On the 45^th day of the death fast they reached a deal that included an end to torture and better conditions in terms being brought to the court hearings. The death fast was terminated. Afterward, besides allowing us to appear before the court once more, they practically violated all other terms of the agreement.

By late 1981, they begin to focus on turning prisoners into confessors.  Mazlum Dogan carried out his action with three matchsticks in March 1982.  We heard about his action two days later.  We brought it up at the court but the court council did not even present an answer.  They only let confessors speak at the court.  We were getting tortured even in front of the court council.  There were three lawyers to defend us but they got arrested too.  They were waging an intimidation war so that no one would dare to defend us at the courd.  In 1982 action of “Dortler” was carried out but torture was continuing. Kemal, Hayri and Karasu decided to take action on 14^th of July.  They started to force prisoners to have sexual intercourse with each other in the cells.  Prisoners were raped by police baton and forced to eat shit. Focus on turn-coats intensified.  We reached 14^th of July in these conditions. We were in Urfa team; they took us to the court very early morning. Hayri Durmus was next to me. He asked to get a permission to speak. He said that he will make important announcements. He talked about death fast and prison conditions.  Then he said that he was responsible from those people but he failed to fulfil his responsibilities and for this reasons he requested to get “indebted” written on his tombstone.  The court committee was panicked. They finally realize what he was trying to say.  After that, resistance got bigger and bigger day by day.  Revolutionary and Kurdish Patriotic prisoners became more organized and they also organized and mobilized all other prisoners.  This initiative made them more confident and they overcame their shortcomings and won a victory.

Listed below are the prisoners who lost their lives in Diyarbakir Prison due to Hunger strike, death fast and illness:

İbiş Ural 27 December 1981

Ali Erek 10 April 1981

Mazlum Doğan 21 March 1982

Önder Demirok killed under torture on 22 February 1982

Abdurrahman Çeçen 16 May 1981

Cemal Kılıç 1982

Seyfettin Sak November 1982

Ali Sarıbal 13 November 1981

Mehmet Emin Akpınar 1982

Aziz Özbey killed under torture in 1982

Kenan Çiftçi killed under torture in 1982

Bedii Tan killed under torture in May 1982

Ferhat Kurtay 18 May 1982

Necmi Öner 18 May 1982

Mahmut Zengin 18 May 1982

Eşref Anyık 18 May 1982

Kemal Pir 7 September 1982

M.Hayri Durmuş 12 September 1982

Akif Yılmaz 15 September 1982

Ali Çiçek 17 September 1982

Necmettin Büyükkaya 24 January 1984

Cemal Arat 2 March 1984

Orhan Keskin 5 March 1984

Remzi Aytürk February 1984

Yılmaz Demir January 1984

M.Ali Eraslan

İsmet Karak

Ramazan Yaya 13 January 1983

Medet Özbadem 7 May 1983

Yılmaz Demir January 1984

Halil İbrahim Baturalp 27 April 1983

Hüseyin Yüce 18 January 1984

Suphi Çevirici May 1986

Aziz Büyükertaş May 1986

Mehmet Emin Yavuz February 1988

Mamak was another prison where torture took place intensively during the September 12 MFC.  At Mamak, Junta policies were already being implemented by August 1980. Under the pretext of prison security, assaults on revolutionary prisoners began when they raided wards and plundered all possessions of prisoners. In a sense this was a rehearsal of what was to come with the Junta.

As soon as the Junta took the power on September 12, they launched an intensive attack on political prisoners. Welcoming in-coming prisoners with a beating became a customary practice. During one of these routine beating sessions that Ilhan Erdost was murdered on November 07, 1980.

One of Mamak’s peculiarities was that it was a prison where Islamists and fascists were kept with revolutionary prisoners. This was deliberate implementation of MFC at Mamak, “Mix and reconcile them.” Revolutionary prisoners forced to stay with fascists in same wards. Revolutionary prisoners who objected to this practiced were tortured. Colonel Raci Tetik , the director of Mamak, terrorized the prison with the approval of the Junta.  He forced revolutionary prisoners to give up their ideology and adopt “Kemalist nationalism.”  Another inhumane policy of MFC at Mamak was that 100 prisoners were locked down to space for 20 people.

Cahit Akcam, who was kept at Mamak at the period, recalls the following: “Torture at prison has different dimensions. At the police station torture methods such as reverse hanging (Palestinian hanging), electric shocks, beating, foot whipping and let detainees go without food and water for days were used.  The main aim was to force you to accept crimes which you did not commit, and fabricate a story about illegal organization.  All these tortures and interrogation was ending with someone accepting the accusation or not.  However there is no ending for bad treatment and torture in Mamak.  It continued for days, weeks, and months and on, alienating prisoners from their own identities and turning them into mere objects. Once you enter into Mamak, all your sense of orientation disappears.  You are put into place called cage, and then you try to understand where all these abnormal noises come from.  I felt that I was in mental hospital in Bakirkoy. I had visited this hospital in 1975, at one its worse periods. It was a place where you could hear screams of patients, upon whom raw sewage was being poured. So at first I thought that I was in such a place. Later on we learned that these strange sounds came from soldiers who where doing prisoner attendance check.  When they cut your connection with outside world, you lose your sense of time.  All these treatments aim to turn you into creature who is incapable of thinking and doing something out of the ordinary.  Colonel Raci Tetik was monitoring everything 24 hours to make sure everything was done accordingly. As a member of the contra-guerrilla team, he had participated in an operation in 1960s where journalist Ilhami Sosyal was kidnapped and beaten to death and left somewhere outside Ankara. Neither for this operation nor for any of his crimes at Mamak, he has never yet been required to give an account.  And Mamak went down in history with all these torture and execution of death sentences as one of the bloodiest Prisons.

The September 12 MFC put its experiences gained from Mamak and Diyarbakir into practice in Istanbul prisons, which were prior to the MFC under the control of revolutionary prisoners.  In order to break revolutionary prisoners’ domination and achieve full surrender, Junta launched assaults from the onset. The foremost prison in Istanbul was Sagmacilar.  Majority of revolutionary prisoners was held in Sagmacilar.  There was also a number of military prisons in Istanbul that were temporarily used, such as Davutpaşa, Selimiye, Hastal, Kabakoz and Alemdağ prisons.  When Junta took power, Sagmacilar was evacuated and all revolutionary prisoners were distributed to the military prisons.  When the coming of MFC was definite, torture and oppression increased in these military prisons. In August 1980, revolutionary prisoners repelled a major assault operation at Davutpasa, setting the mood in terms of determination and resistance.

Another major prison in Istanbul was Metris. It opened in April 1981, 7 months ahead of its scheduled date, in order to hold political prisoners that were temporarily being held at military prisons across Istanbul. All the expenses of Metris prison was funded by comprador Vehbi Koc who supported the MFC.  Starting with Sultanahmet, political prisoners from other prisons were being transferred to Metris. Knowing well that nothing good is waiting for them at Metris, revolutionary prisoners staged resistance against transfers. Despite heroic resistance, however, the Junta succeeded in transferring political prisoners and detainees with military background who were accused of supporting revolutionary movements within the military. Metris was an important prison for the Junta because many of the leading cadres, members, and militants of revolutionary movements of Turkey were held there. The Junta’s plan was to turn this situation for its own advantage. Revolutionary prisoners were aware of the Junta’s agenda, as well as what were being done in Mamak and Diyarbakir. With this knowledge and their revolutionary spirit, they were able to put up unbreakable resistances.

From the outset, the Metris prison became a place of arbitrary practices and prohibitions. The Junta announced that every prisoner, just as a soldier, must be according to military discipline and regulations. Accordingly, they began to forcefully give a military hair-cut to political prisoners. As revolutionary prisoners resisted this practice, each hair-cutting session turned into a full-blown beating operation. As the revolutionary resistance intensified at Metris, arbitrary practices and tortures increased as well. Right to communication was revoked. For a long period no newspaper, magazine, or book was allowed to enter the prison. Following arduous struggles and hunger strikes, these rights were regained. However, the administration violated these rights at every chance it got. Numerous arbitrary and otherwise obstacles were put before the legal defence of political prisoners. Necessary documents were withheld. Prisoners who were preparing political defences were deprived of all supporting documents, books, etc. Prisoners who resisted to wearing prison uniforms were brought to hearings in their underwear. If hearings coincided winter months, they were punished by being forced stand outside in the freezing cold for hours. Letters to and from prisoners were withheld. Family visits of resisting prisoners were arbitrarily cancelled. If there was no family visit ban, then food and other goods that families brought to prisoners were confiscated. Food at prison cantina was sold at outrageously expensive prices.

By 1983, isolation treatment began, beginning with political prisoners who were assumed to be representatives and leaders. Contrary to breaking the organization and morale of political prisoners, this treatment fuelled new and more determined resistance actions. Agents were imbedded among revolutionary prisoners, hoping to learn their action plans beforehand and undercutting them. Despite all its methods and attacks, the prison administration did not achieve any satisfactory outcome.

In new attempts to bring Metris to a fall, they transferred some of high ranking prisoners to new cells that were built in renovated Sagmalcilar. The resistance at Metris, however, did not lose any of its determination and strength. 2 years later, prisoners who were held in single cells and wards of 6 persons were transferred back to Metris.

Despite all efforts of the Junta, revolutionary prisoners at Metris and Sagmalcilar could not be brought to their knees. One of the determining factor was that prisoners were unified in their actions. In countless hunger strikes, active resistance cases, and 1984 death fast, they struggled as one body, along with the support of families from outside.

Below are the names of prisoners who lost their lives in prisons in Istanbul and nearby cities:

İrfan Çelik 14 September 1980 at Davutpaşa Prison

İsmail Esen 15 November1981 at Bursa Prison

İsmet Taş 5 December 1981 at Metris Askeri Prison

Şerif Yazar 24 December 1981 at Alemdağ Prison

Hakan Mermeroluk 24 December 1981 at Alemdağ

Bahadır Dumanlı 3 January 1982 at Alemdağ

Talip Yılmaz 20 December 1982 at İstanbul Hasdal

Hamdi Filizcan 4 July 1983 at Çanakkale

Şadan Gazeteci 24 September 1980 at Kocaeli Prison

Hüseyin Aydın at Metris Prison

Şaduman Kansu 1985 at Bayrampaşa Prison

Adil Can 11 April 1985 at Metris Prison

Abdullah Meral 14 June 1984 at Metris

Haydar Başbağ 17 June 1984 at Metris

Fatih Öktülmüş 17 June 1984 at Metris

Hasan Telci 22 June1984 at Metris

Mustafa Tunç 1982 at İstanbul

12 September: Torture, Human Right Violations and Capital Punishments

Upon overtaking power on September 12, the Military Fascist Junta established torture chambers across the country. The Junta had planned everything beforehand. Torture became a daily reality not only detainees but also for villagers In Turkey-Kurdistan. Accused of aiding guerrillas, village folks routinely gathered in village squares and subjected systematic torture and humiliation. Families whose members were assumed to have joined guerrillas and refused to surrender were exiles from their villages. Sometimes entire villages were forcefully emptied and its residents were exiled en mass. Countless people became victims of permanent traumas.

During the September 12 Military Fascist Junta, around one million people were detained. Almost all of them were severely tortured. Police stations, military barracks, and schools in Turkey-Kurdistan were turned into torture centres for many years. The Junta sent many military staff to the US to be trained in torture techniques.

During this long dark period, hundreds of people died under torture. Hundreds of people became permanently disabled. Thousands are severely traumatised as a consequence of torture. Many people lost their mental balance. Many of them, subsequently, marginalised themselves from community. When revolutionary detainees refused to speak under torture, their children and spouses were subjected to torture. 3-5 year-old children were tortured before the eyes of their parents, leaving permanent damages in their psyches.  During this period, torture was systematic, state sponsored, and boundless. They used every imaginable torture techniques, some of which are; Strappado, starving and sleep deprivation, cold water treatment, electric shocks, squeezing men’s genital organ, rape, bastinado, pouring hot water into throat, etc.

Below are the names of those who were killed under torture between 1980 and 1984:

Killing trough Torture in 1980 to 1984

Ramazan Oğuz 20 September 1980 Gazipaşa

Ali Çakmaklı 24 September 1980 Adana

Zeynel Abidin Ceylan 26  September 1980 Ankara

Hüseyin Karakaş 27  september 1980 İskenderun

Ali İnan 28  Semtember 1980 İstanbul

Abdurrahman Aktimur October 1980 Mazıdağ

Ömer Aktaş 1  October 1980

Ahmet Hilmi Fevzioğlu 2  October 1980 Bursa

Emin Alkan 4  October 1980 Siirt

Hasan Asker Özmen 5  October 1980

Ahmet Karlangaç 12  October 1980 İstanbul

Ekrem Ekşi 16  October 1980 İstanbul

Metin Aksoy 24  october 1980

Sait Şimşek 26  october 1980

Ahmet Yüksel 27  October 1980

Rafet Demir 30  October 1980 Bursa

Himmet Uysal 30  October 1980 Uşak

Ahmet Altan 3  November 1980 Maraş

İbrahim Eski 11  November 1980 Ankara

Cengiz Aksakal 12  November 1980 Artvin

Feridun Yılmaz 12  november 1980 Eskişehir

Şükrü Gedik 12  November 1980 Karakoçan

Cafer Dağdoğan 12  November 1980 Adana

Rüstem Gürsoy 14  November 1980 İstanbul

Süleyman Ölmez 18  November 1980 Tunceli

Hayrettin Eren 21  November 1980 İstanbul

Cuma Özaslan 25  November 1980 Gaziantep

Kenan Gürsoy 3  December 1980 Diyarbakır

Bayram Lafçı 3  December 1980

Recai Yılmaz 5  December 1980 İstanbul

Mehmet Sanı 6  december 1980 İstanbul

Ercan Koca 15  december  1980 Ankara

Behçet Dinlerer 15  december 1980

Nihat Arda 16  December  1980 Ankara

Şeyhmuz Akdoğan 18  December 1980 Siverek

Munzur Geçgel 27  December 1980 İzmir

Turan Sağlam 28  December 1980 Erzurum

Mehmet Dağ 29  December 1980 Adana

Davut Elibolu 29  December 1980 Amasya

Hasan Kılıç 30  december 1980 Elazığ

Yılmaz Peköz 1981 Kırıkkale

Oruç Korkmaz 1981 Kars

Hasan Temizsoy 1981

Hasan Dorul 1981 Gölcük

Hasan Kılıç January 1981 Tunceli

Cemil Kırbayır 5  january 1981

İlyaz Güleç 6  January 1981 İstanbul

Ayhan Alan 8  January 1981 Tarsus

Ahmet Uzun 16  January 1981 Rize

Adil Ali Yılmaz 20  January 1981 Ankara

Ahmet Demir February 1981 Diyarbakır

Osman Karaduman February 1981 Adana

Mehmet Ali Erbay 10  February 1981 Adıyaman

Sinan Karacalı 11  February 1981 Adana

İbrahim Alpdoğan 11  February 1981 Maraş

Ömer Aydoğmuş 12  February 1981 İzmir

Mehmet Ali Kılıç 12  February 1981 Ankara

Hulusi Dalak 13  February 1981 Gaziantep

Bedrettin Sınak 13  February 1981 Adana

Ünsal Beydoğan 25  February 1981 İstanbul

Ali Küçük March 1981

Osman Taştekin 5  March 1981 Kayseri

Celal Kıpırdamaz 10  March 1981 Uşak

Halil Uluğ 16  March 1981 Adıyaman

Abdullah Paksoylu 16  March 1981 Adıyaman

İbrahim Çelik 17  March 1981

S. Satılmış Dokuyucu 18  March 1981 Ankara

Hasan Gazoğlu 30  March 1981 İstanbul

Veysel Yıldız 1  April 1981 Malatya

Bozan Çimen 2  April 1981

Nurettin Yedigöl 12  April 1981 İstanbul

Cumali Ay 14  April 1981 İstanbul

Ahmet Sakin 21  April 1981 Ordu

Vakkas Devamlı 28  April 1981 Maraş

Mustafa Işık 1  May 1981 İstanbul

H. Hüseyin Damar 2  May 1981 İstanbul

Özalp Öner 4  April 1981 İstanbul

Necip Kutlu 6  May 1981 Konya

Ali Ekber Yürek 25  May 1981

Ahmet Kılıç 31  May 1981

Hasan Akar June 1981 Bozova

Ensar Karahan June 1981 Şavşat

Yusuf Bağ July 1981 Gaziantep

Bedri Bilge 20  July 1981 Artvin

Yakup Göktaş 27  July 1981 İstanbul

Süleyman Cihan 30  July 1981 İstanbul

Yakup Bıyık 6  August 1981 İstanbul

Bayram Kocabaş 21  August 1981 Ankara

Fehmi Özaslan 21  August 1981 Maraş

Selahattin Satic 28  August 1981 Kırkağ

Mehmet Yıldız 13  September 1981 Ankara

Metin Sarpbulut October 1981 Ankara

Hasan Alemoğlu 4  October 1981 Ankara

Behzat Firik 10  October 1981 Tunceli

Mehmet Ceren 20  october 1981 Maraş

Ataman İnce 26  october 1981 İstanbul

Mehmet Karataş November 1981 Erzurum

Cengiz Aksakal 12  November 1981 Şavşat

İsmail Esen 15  november 1981 Bursa

Günay Balcı 19  November 1981 İstanbul

Mustafa Şahin 24  December 1981 Elazığ

Ali Kamış 1982 Konya

Selahattin Kurutur 1982 Diyarbakır

Cennet Deşirmenci 22  May 1982 Gaziantep

Cemalettin Yalçın 1982 İstanbul

Fehamettin Şeref 1982 Şavşat

Benli Coşkun 1982 Nizip

Halil Çınar 1982 Diyarbakır

Kenan Kılıç 1982 Diyarbakır

Süleyman Şeker February 1982 Bozova

Şevket Sevseren February 1982 Adana

Abdurrahim Aksoy 9  February 1982 Samsun

Önder Demirok 22  February 1982 Diyarbakır

Cemal Kılıç 23  February 1982 Diyarbakır

Mustafa Tunç 9  July 1982 Haydarpaşa

Hüseyin Çolak 10  August 1982 Ankara

Yusuf Ali Özbey 27  August 1982 Besni

Adnan Zincirkıran September 1982 Bozova

Kenan Küçük Eylül 1982 Ankara

Ines Rumph 23  September 1982 Bursa

Coşkun Altun November 1982 İstanbul

İsmail Hakkı Hocaoğlu 11  November 1982 İstanbul

Mustafa Asım Hayrullahoğlu 16  November 1982 İstanbul

Süleyman Aslan 20  November 1982 Tokat

Hüseyin Sertkaya 21  November 1982 Bingöl

Feyzullah Bingöl 25  November 1982 Muş

İhsan Çetintaş 1983 Erzurum

Mutlu Çetin Ocak 1983 Manisa

Zekeriya Erdoğan 24  February 1983 Adana

İsmail Kıran 31  January 1983 Diyarbakır

Mazlum Güder 4  March 1983 Elazığ

Niyazi Gündoğdu 15  March 1983 Sivas

Ali Güven 28  July 1983 İzmir

Hüsnü Seyhan 23  September 1983 İzmir

Hasan Akbaba October 1983 Ankara

İsmail Kıran November 1983 Diyarbakır

İbrahim Ulağ 3  November 1983 Diyarbakır

Enver Şahan 13  November 1983 Gaziantep

İsmail Cüneyt 24  Decenber 1983 İstanbul

Cemal Özdemir 1983

Ali Uygur Tarsus

Hasan Hakkı Erdoğan 1984 İstanbul

In 12 September era, human rights violations were not limited to torture. Right to life was hanging on thin thread. Every soldier, police, judge, and other officers who carried out orders of the Junta committed human rights violations. Thousands of workers were laid off. Special directives were sent to companies instructing them not hire people of Dersim region. People were denied of their passport. Hundreds of the academic staff were sacked. Religious education became compulsory, laying aside the freedom of belief. Women came under suffocating oppression. 12 September has created an obedient and voiceless community.

During September 12, human life was up to a word out of Junta members’ lips. Junta chiefs signed capital punishment sentences without any second thought. Despite being underage, Erdal Eren was executed at age 17 – his age was raised by a judge verdict to qualify him for capital punishment. Execution of revolutionaries was quickly approved. None of the capital punishment verdicts were overturned by the Supreme Court.

List of people who were executed by the September 12 Junta:

NECDET ADALI

Arrested in July 1977.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on October of 1979.

Hanged on 8 October 1980 in Ankara.

He was 22 years old.

SERDAR SOYERGİN

Arrested on 14 September 1980 in Adana.

Within 5 days following his arrest, sentenced to death.

Hanged 40 days later on 25 October 1980 in Adana.

He was 20 years old.

ERDAL EREN

Arrested on 2 February 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 19 March 1980.

Hanged on 14 December 1980 in Ankara.

He was 17 years old.

VEYSEL GÜNEY

Arrested on 28 1980 in Gaziantep.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20 February 1981.

Hanged on 11 June 1981 in Gaziantep.

He was 23 years old. His corpse was not returned to his family. His grave is unknown.

AHMET SANER

Arrested on 16 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 October 1980.

Hanged on 26 June 1981 in İstanbul.

He was 22 years old.

KADİR TANDOĞAN

Arrested on 16 April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 October 1980.

Hanged on 26 June 1981 in İstanbul.

He was 23 years old.

MUSTAFA ÖZENÇ

Arrested on 7 January 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13 March 1981.

Hanged on 21 August 1981 in Adana.

He was 22 years old.

İBRAHİM ETHEM COŞKUN

Arrested on 29  April 1980 in İzmir.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1  May 1981.

Hanged on 13  March   1982 in İzmir.

He was 23 years old.

NECATİ VARDAR

Arrested on 30  April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1  May 1981.

Hanged on 13  March 1982 in İzmir.

He was 22 years old.

SEYİT KONUK

Arrested on 29  April 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 1  May 1981.

Hanged on 13 March  1982 in İzmir.

He was 26 years old.

ALİ AKTAŞ

Arrested on 9  June 1980 in İskenderun.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 13  May 1981.

Hanged on 23  January 1983, on his birthday, in Adana.

He was 27 years old.

ÖMER YAZGAN

Arrested on 17  January 1981in Akyazı, Sakarya. Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20  April 1981. Hanged on 30  January 1983 in İzmit. He was 23 years old.

RAMAZAN YUKARIGÖZ

Arrested on 17  January 1981 in Akyazı, Sakarya.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20  April 1981.

Hanged on 30  January 1983 in İzmit.

He was 23 years old.

MEHMET KAMBUR

Arrested on 17  January 1981 in Akyazı, Sakarya.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 20  April 1981.

Hanged on 30  January 1983 in İzmit.

He was 28 years old.

İLYAS HAS

Arrested on 28  December 1980 in İzmir.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 18  January 1982.

Hanged on 7  October 1984 in Buca.

He was 29 years old.

HIDIR ASLAN

Arrested on February 1980.

Sentenced to death by the Military Commission on 29  July 1981.

Hanged on 25  October 1984 in Burdur. He was 26 years old.

12 September Fascist Junta’s Racist Practise on the Kurdish Nationality

Oppression on the Kurdish nation has been going on for decades. The Kurdish nation has been a victim of countless massacres by the fascist dictatorship. Kurdish language and culture have been banned. Admitting that a Kurdish nation exists has been considered as a crime. Throughout the years, Kurdish leaders have been persecuted, tried, exiled, and executed. With the September 12 Military Fascist Junta, oppression upon Kurds further intensified. Under the pretext of “hunt for secessionists” and “military operation,” brutality and suppression became a daily reality for the Kurdish people. With September 12, Kurdish geography turned into an open prison. Each village became a military basis and Kurdish peasants and toilers were tortured on  a regular basis. With the coming of Junta, one third of the 750-thousand personal strong Turkish army was deployed to the Kurdish area. Just in Dersim, 55.000 troupes were deployed. In 1983, the entire 2^nd Army Command was sent to Malatya carrying out over ten large scale military manoeuvres between 1980 -1987.  In 1982 manoeuvre, titled ‘Republic is a virtue’, so-called enemy soldiers were dressed in traditional Kurdish costumes during simulated military operations. Operations by special units and army troops became part of the daily life throughout Kurdistan. Thousands of acres of forest were burnt with the excuse of cleaning out bandits, causing enormous environmental damage in Kurdistan.

The Junta categorized Kurds as ‘friends of the state’ and ‘enemy of the state’. Lists of names made according this categorization were hung on army station walls so that newly stationed personal could implement instructions accordingly. Furthermore, all Kurdish tribes were tagged according to political views. Of these, the ones deemed as ‘friends of the state’ were supplied with weapons, and later on a number of them were turned into villages guards.

With the coming of Junta and under the Constitution that it adopted, which is still the current Constitution as of 2010, a number of special regulations and laws that specifically apply to Kurds were passed. Accordingly the Kurdish language was banned. Kurds were forbidden to speak their own language, to organize meetings, and to publish any written, visual, or audio material in Kurdish. Kurds were prohibited to form any association, club, union, or a political party – doing so was officially declared as a crime of cessation, with heavy prison terms as a consequence. Kurdish education and all courses were banned. The constitution decreed that no other language than Turkish could be used as a language of education in any educational institution. It was officially declared a crime for a person to identify him/herself as a Kurd.

With the September 12, Kurdish names were banned.  No new born baby could be given a Kurdish name. No one could his or her existing name for a Kurdish one.  It was furthermore banned to use Kurdish in any business conduct or in any celebration of national days, festivals and holidays.

It was also illegal to conduct any scientific research or publish its results in Kurdish. The aim was to systematically leave Kurdish out of any scientific, artistic, cultural, literary and otherwise development.

The Military Fascist Junta of September 12 was another attempt to impose Kemalist official ideology onto every cell of the society. All educational, cultural, social, and political structures were rearranged according to Kemalist ideology. Its Turkish racism was based on the denial of existence of any other nation in Turkey – with specifically denial of Kurdish nation’s existence.

During the post September 12 Military Coup era, the Kurdish national resistance made a significant stride forward by launching armed struggle in Kurdistan in 1984. With the participation of tens of thousands of youth, men, women, and elders, the Kurdish national resistance movement gained enormous achievements. If today the existence of Kurdish nation in Turkey is an undeniable fact, it is established through great struggles of this resistance movement. Similarly, if in recent years certain strict regulation and laws are changed; it is not because of any democratization within the Turkish regime but thanks to the struggle by the Kurdish national movement. However, the Turkish ruling classes never have an easy time digesting any progress made in Kurdish national issue. Despite certain changes in law, Kurdish press and cultural activities are still routinely suppressed. There are still hundreds of people who have to defend themselves before the court due to the indictments that they performed propaganda activities in Kurdish. Giving new-borns Kurdish names is still a reason of persecution and interrogation. Legal Kurdish political parties are still being shut down on made-up grounds.

The September 12 Military Fascist Junta: Suppression and Prohibitions over Unions and Democratic Organisations

Immediately after over taking the power, the September 12 Military Fascist Junta launched attacked on all democratic organizations and institutions and restructured them according to wishes of bosses. Unions received its share of attacks, as well. Except the Turk- Is union, all other union and democratic organisation were banned, their assets were seized, and their leaders were tried by military courts, writing out hundreds of years of prison sentences. All collective agreements were annulled and strikes forcibly stopped.

Demands of capitalists were implemented without delay. Existing regulations regarding weekend holidays, perks and severance pays were cancelled. New regulations favoured bosses demands. Also according to new laws, May Day no longer could be celebrated.

Among unions, the Junta especially targeted the DISK (Confederation of Revolutionary Worker Unions). 2000 of DISK’s officials and members were arrested, where many of them were interrogated for over 100 days. On 26.06.1981, the military prosecution asked for death penalty for 54 officials, whose indictments were handed to them 5 months later. DISK trial went on until 1986, where 1477 DISK officials and members faced the military court. Consequently, DISK and 28 affiliated unions were shut down.

The Junta also targeted TÖB-DER (All Teachers’ Unity and Solidarity Association), an organization founded by progressive and revolutionary teachers. Following the arrival of Junta regime, TÖB-DER too was shut down.

TÖB-DER was a democratic organization that was founded after the 1971 military coup. Its parent organization was TÖS (Teachers Union of Turkey), which had been shut down by the 1971 Junta. From its foundation and on, TÖB-DER managed to organize a majority of teachers throughout Turkey. By the time it was shut down, it had more than 200 thousand members in 670 chapters. As a teachers’ association it became a bastion against regressive education policies.   It created the fight area against to obscurantism of education with 200 thousands members and 670 bureaus. And TÖB-DER endeavoured to educate in mother tongue for Kurdish nation.

In 12 September 1980 like other many democratic organisations TÖB-DER’s activities were forbidden. TÖB-DER leaders and members were put in jail and were tortured. Junta members terminated 20 thousands teachers’ employment. In 22 of May 1981 during TÖB-DER trial prosecuting attorney has accused to TÖB-DER in that way: ‘To gain ascendancy over a social class, to found and lead an organisation to overthrow the economic assets and social bases in the system, to make communism and disjunctive propaganda towards this aim and to balk unions law’ and continued ‘Also accused people were declared the inhabiting in east and southeast of Turkey is formed as a different nation and they say the authorities executed chauvinist and assimilative education system towards this public who has different language and culture. And the union declared that it was forbidden to be educated in mother tongue language for this local public and so destructive and separatist propaganda was practised by them. The union firstly aimed to adopt this vision by people as in reason printed bulletin and publication. In order to reach this aim they who are leaders committed an act of misconduct the Union and with hiding real aims they began to act on illegally.’ And finished his words like that. At the end of trial TÖB-DER leaders and members were punished with tens of years.

The Politics of 12 September Military Fascist Junta against to Alevis; Rejection, Oppression and Assimilation

There are millions of people in Turkey who adhere to the Alevi minority. The Alevite’s were always the target of the Turkish state. The Turkish state waged special policies in order to force the Alevite’s to convert to the Sunnite belief. Following long and hard periods of struggle, the Alevites began obtaining some rights in terms of practicing their own believes by midst of 1995. Previously, practice of Alevite spiritual and cultural practices were strictly prohibited by the state. The Alevites were forced to hold their prayers illegally. Trained by government’s religious education institutions, imams, official sunni clerics, constantly propagated that the animals sacrificed by the Alevit’s are illegitimate and that it is a sin to shake hands of Alevites and that one that kills an Alevite will go to heaven. As a consequence of this anti-propaganda, mass killings in Maraş, Çorum and Sivas were provoked. Those massacres were initiated and carried out by state-supported civil fascist organizations and groups.  The junta gave special effort to force Alevites to convert to Sunni sect. Hundreds of mosques were built in Alevite villages. The Alevite dervishes were forced to convert and go to the mosque.

12 September Military Fascist Junta appointed some retired generals to administrate cities after the coup. One of them was appointed to Dersim. His name was Kenan Güven. He followed a merciless and systematic policies of terror against the Alevites in Dersim, a province in Turkey-Kurdistan. One of his first actions was to gather the important figures of the region. In the meeting he openly threatened them with outmost cruelty, stating: “In this province religion has always been weak. This place brings to mind only rebellion and uprisings. It is my duty to Islamize those that have abandoned  the religion.” Following the meeting, he had 3 mosques built at once in the centre of this small city. Similarly, the Junta built many mosques in villages of Malatya, Corum, Tokat, Erzincan and so on. These were all cities with large Alevite communities. Alevite’s that refused to go to mosques were tortured.

In every corner of the country hundreds of Alevite children were sent to Imam Hatip High Schools to convert to the Sunni belief. The state suppressed the families whose children escaped from those schools. There are many children who were sent abroad because of this situation. The Junta denied all other religious groups and forced everyone to become Sunni through compolsory Islamic religion classs at schools.

The Education During 12 September Military Fascist Junta

The September 12 Military Fascist Junta made fundamental changes in education. Junta reconstructed the education system upon the Turk – Islam synthesis.  All democratic organisations such as TÖB-DER  were shut down. The retired generals were appointed to the Ministry of the National Education and Sport and all organizations connected to it. A strict assimilation policy was implemented towards Kurds in the education field and accelerated the policies of Turkification. All science, history, geography, culture and literature, and the history of art were established on the basis of Turkish chauvinist thesis.

During this period, Junta emphasized religious education and rapidly increased the number of religious schools. “Between 1951 and 1952 there were 7 Imam Hatip Schools and now the numbers of these schools increased to 717 (TR National Ministry for Youth education and sport). Additionally, 3702 official and 20 thousands unofficial Koran classes are put in operation. 130 874 people are continuing to official Koran classes and hundreds of people continue the unofficial courses. There are 60 161 Mosques equivalent to the 58 455 schools in Turkey. (Milliyet Newspaper, 4 June 1987).

In the 24^th article of the main constitution of 1984 prepared by the fascist junta, the clause of ‘preferential religious education’ was amended saying that “religious education is obligatory and will be practiced in primary and middle school under the control and observation of the state”.

Subsequently, all the children of other minorities and nations were compelled to learn Sunni – Islam religion.

1982 Constitution and 1983 Elections

Turkey is still governed by the September 12th Constitution. So far no administration has ever showed the courage to completely change this Constitution. In fact, political parties that took part in cabinets since the Coup have been representatives of capital groups and the existing Constitution serves to their interest. Consequently, they complacently accept and live with the Junta’s constitution. On the other hand, in the 15 previous attempts 80 articles of the current constitution were modified. However, every one of these modifications took place in an effort to strengthen state’s position vis-à-vis people. In other words, none of the modification made any essential change in the constitution. They were rather attempts to deceive people that the constitution was being made more democratic. The latest attempt by AKP, in the form of presenting a package of changes to the constitution, is a similar deception tactic. The core of changes recommended by AKP has to do with the maintenance of crucial elements of the judicial authorities. The proposed changes do not touch some of the fundamentally problematic elements of the constitution, such its anti-human rights articles, prohibitions over nations and minorities, its perspective that requires ‘Turkishness’ as primary principal, or the prohibitions against the formation of parties, associations or their right to organize.

The spirit of the September 12 constitution was build over the rejection of universal values.  Junta members created an advisory council, members of which were appointed by the very Junta itself. In order to take this under legal guarantee, a law was passed on June 29^th 1981, which decreed that the last decision regarding approval of the draft constitution will be of Junta’s. The council consisted of 160 members, 40 of which were to be assigned directly by the Junta members and the remaining 120 were to be assigned through nominations by provincial governors. However, these nominations too were to go through a final process of approval by the Junta Members. The duty of the Advisory Council did not go beyond the function to accomplish the orthographic proceedings. The Advisory Council, the Constitution Commission and its authorities and every single detail were designated by the junta members. It was prohibited to act outside the designated rules. Yalcin Dogan explains the situation as follows: “In a time when the Advisory Council was in the preparations for the constitution, the council members discussed amongst them the political situation of the country and what posture the political parties will show after the approvement of the constitution, with the order of the junta members they pulled all Advisory Council members under interrogation. During that time, the Advisory Council who had the task to compose a text with the most concentrated rules of politics like the constitution of Turkey, did not have the right and liberties to ‘do politics.”

There was not any alternative to refuse the Constitution. Junta members made a special policy to force the people to say ‘yes’ to the constitution. Threat and blackmail were the main philosophy of these policies. In his book, ‘Waking Up With Tank Noise’, Hasan Cemal explains this in these words: ‘The chief of the Junta Kenan Evren was saying to the press members; “If the Constitution is not accepted, we will say that public does not want democracy, they want us and we will stay.”

Before the referendum Junta members prohibited any anti-propaganda activities about the constitution. Many people who opposed the referendum were punished. White ballot meant ‘yes’ and blue ballot meant ‘no’ and it was forbidden to use blue in the press. Thus, the Junta’s Constitution was approved at the referendum by 92 % of the votes and subsequently the head of Junta, Kenan Evren, was elected as president of the Republic. In order to guarantee their protection before an eventual court, the Junta members passed a temporary law, Article 15, which exempted the Junta members until the end of their lives from being tried for any of their activities during the reign of the Junta. It must be noted, in a situation where no real alternative was left to compete and considering all suppression and coercion methods that the Junta implemented, this was people’s way of saying “no” to the Junta, as within circumstances they preferred to see a civil administration. Furthermore, despite all the oppression there was a ballot of 4 million refusals.

Following the elections, a democratic atmosphere was far from being restored. Junta members saw to it that founding members of new political members be approved by the State Security Council.

Women and 12 September

The MFJ of September 12 brought an intense atmosphere of terror over woman, as well. The members of the Junta attacked and suppressed woman without recognition of any tradition, social or family structure or jurisdiction value. As a result of the fascist terror that women had to suffer during the junta, they went through severe traumas. In order to breakdown revolutionary organizations, to capture cadres and supporters, mothers and wives of revolutionaries were tortured and imprisoned.  The torture and exploitation against the Kurdish women in Turkey-Kurdistan has been scratched into the minds of society that it may be impossible to ever recover from. Arife Kaynar, who was subjected to persecutions by the junta after a warrant against her husband, explains her experience; “After the Junta overtook the power, I was forced to leave my profession as a teacher after 14 years because my husband was wanted as a ‘political criminal’. I was left back with a 7 month old baby and my 10 years old son and came face to face with hunger. After a certain period I was forced to leave my baby by my family.  We didn’t have the options to provide the daily needs of nursing cost and in order to survive we had to stay every day at another house. My family was falling apart. One by one members of my larger family were brought to the police station for interrogation. Their houses were often raided. Despite her age, my 70 year-old mother and 60 year-old father-in-law encountered unspeakable insults. They threatened us with taking my baby hostage. My father’s house was kept under surveillance with the intention of capturing me when I went to breastfeed my child.” (From the book ’12 Eylül Yargılanıyor’, pg. 173)

Thousands of women were subjected to the same torture and repression. Many women, despite not having any involvement with political organisations, were tortured to reveal the whereabouts of their husbands. They were tortured and raped.

During the coup, revolutionary women paid heavily for their political involvement. The torture cells of prisons, police stations and military barracks were filled with women who were tortured for their beliefs. They were questioned for ninety days and within this period all sorts of tortures were inflicted upon them, including sexual abuse. They were stripped naked, sexually assaulted, given electric shocks and raped, some in front of their husbands. Those who were pregnant at the time of their arrest were not spared. Some of the pregnant women had miscarriages under torture and some gave birth in prisons. The fascist regime didn’t just fail to provide the most basic needs for child care but also prevented them from receiving medical care. Some of these women without having the chance to bond with their babies were forced to give them into the care of their relatives. As a result of refusal to comply with the demeaning regimes of prisons they were subjected to years of brutal practices. Their rights to legal defence were denied. For years they were denied books, newspapers and magazines. Their rights to visitors and communication with the outside were denied. The dormitories they stayed in were searched by male soldiers and nothing was left unturned. Before and after September 12th the bourgeois press constantly attacked women. Women who were arrested were labelled as ‘female militants’ by the bourgeois media bent on humiliating women at every opportunity.

After September 12^th, Kurdish women were also subjected to terrible attacks. Kurdish women like their Turkish counterparts suffered terribly but they were also attacked for being Kurdish. On top of all the torture they suffered they were also forced into ‘educational’ programs wholly aimed at demeaning them because of their identity and to subject them to assimilation.

Kurdish villages were turned into prisons. Kurdish women were at the forefront of those targets for aiding and abetting guerrillas. People were rounded up and tortured in village squares. Women were threatened with being stripped naked and were battered in front of their relatives.

Settle up with the September 12th Military Fascist Junta

The September 12 MFJ took place thirty years ago. Five generals, with the support of their imperialist “big brothers”, took control thirty years ago and yet despite the time that has passed, the victims of the junta still seek justice. They want those who led and participated in the junta to be tried and punished. While countries like Greece and Chile confronted their junta, Turkey is the only country that has not tried the perpetrators of the junta.

So why isn’t this happening in Turkey? Why are the generals who are still alive still able to go walking around ‘FREE’? Why aren’t they tried, why aren’t people outraged when Evren declares on television “When signing the executions my hands didn’t tremble”? The answer to these questions is related to social awareness and sensitivity. In countries like Turkey common memory is weak. The masses that are under the influence of religion view these experiences as fate and their power to do anything as insufficient. In such countries religion has come upon society like black clouds. Since justice is found in the hereafter there’s no point in pursuing it in this world. Such sentiments weaken sensitivity to issues that need collective action. Associations carrying out the democratic struggle are few and far between. If we leave out IHD (Human Rights Association) and a couple of other associations, it is not possible to talk of a strong social civilian movement. The demand for those responsible for 12 September to be tried will only be possible with strong social civil movements. The prosecution of the junta in countries such as Greece and Chile was the result of strong mass movement that demanded the prosecution. Unfortunately Turkey lacks such social movements and the demand so far has been voiced by only a handful of groups and this has yielded no results. The reluctance of the governments that have come to power since are reluctant to prosecute, which makes it very difficult to bring the generals to account.

The terror didn’t just take place during and the immediate period after the coup but also during Tansu Ciller’s government and the DSP-ANAP-MHP coalition. That is why it is crucial to view these governments as the products of September 12 and the atrocities committed by them are as worse. Until the year 2000 about five million Kurds were banished from their villages and the remains of hundreds of people that disappeared under detention still have not been located. It is still unknown how many people were thrown into acid pits.

It is the duty of everyone to ask for this dark period to be accounted for. The revolutionary movement, after the onslaught of the junta, took a long time to recover. After losing many of its members and supporters the revolutionary movement has not yet managed to properly confront September 12 MFJ. The significant shift to the right in the population and the loss of the impulse to question has made it difficult to confront the junta. Questioning the coup has been squeezed into the anniversary day. Of course it is also important to put the members of the junta on trial.  It is important to show that this junta is not forgotten but this is not enough. Also is it not enough to only limit this to the basis of putting five generals on trial, it would be symbolic but not enough.

The businessmen who supported them, the media, other lower ranking soldiers and bureaucrats, the prosecutors who disregarded the law completely, the judges, those that have the order to raise the age of the young revolutionary Erdal Eren so that he could be hanged and those who carried out the execution, the police who perpetrated torture, those who executed without trial, those who drenched Turkey- Kurdistan in blood, those who destroyed forests and crops, those who forced the evacuation of thousands of villages, the newspaper columnists that supported the coup, those who wilfully took part in the first government set up by the junta, Turgut Ozal (even if he is dead) who was a minister and an advisor, those who prepared the constitution and those who condoned the executions in parliament are as guilty as the five generals who led the coup. They should all be made to answer for their deeds. To ask any government to do this is an optimism and it has failed to materialise and will do so under all future government. Confronting 12 September means the confronting of the state and that could only be done when the political power is in the hands of the revolutionary movement.

nds of villages, the newspaper columnists that supported the coup, those who wilfully took part in the first government set up by the junta, Turgut Ozal (even if he is dead) who was a minister and an advisor, those who prepared the constitution and those who condoned the executions in parliament are as guilty as the five generals who led the coup. They should all be made to answer for their deeds. To ask any government to do this is an optimism and it has failed to materialise and will do so under all future government. Confronting 12 September means the confronting of the state and that could only be done when the political power is in the hands of the revolutionary movement.